The Indigenous History of El Salvador

Some of the Pre-Hispanic History of Nicaragua

To tell the story of pre-Hispanic Nicaragua is to tell of two ancient stories and two relatively modern stories. The first ancient story is that of various peoples running away from the beginning of the first-born sacrifice regime in the Gulf of Fonseca from about 8300 BCE to 8200. Many ethnicities and several generations ran, but two ran for Nicaragua, including the Miskito who had been early Kiche people and the Chibchab people who had been early Olmeca people. Some of the Chibchab remained in Nicaragua, including the Poto and Rama, while others migrated further south. The second ancient story occurred in about 7200 BCE, and while it was a global event, it affected the Poto along Nicaragua’s northwest coast, among others. Many coastal Poto were swept out to sea; most perished, but two women survived all the way to Mexico’s central coast, one to Guerrero and one to Michoacan. The woman who landed near Acapulco, Guerrero, landed near where a few days earlier a sole Kiche man from El Salvador washed ashore. These two together became the Otomi. When the beginning Otomi culture initiated a first-born sacrifice regime, like the Kiche, the Poto side of the Otomi rebelled. Some ran into the hills to escape and became the Tlalpaneco. Much later the Tlapaneco would re-enter Nicaraguan history.

The next major migration into Nicaragua was the result of the end of Mayan development in 800 CE. The Kiche/Kakchiquel forces in Mexico and Guatemala attacked their enemies without restraint, including the peoples of Puebla, centered at Cholula, mainly the Purepecha and Cholu. Some of the Cholu fled overland to Chiapas while others fled by boat to Nicaragua, becoming the Chorotega or Choluteca people. The Chorotega settled along the Pacific coast in Nicaragua. About 250 years later events in Mesoamerica took a turn when the Pipil overturned the Toltec-Cihuatan in El Salvador. The Pipil attempted to live together with the defeated Toltec but in the case of the Kiche/Kakchiquel members of the Toltec, it was not easy. In about 1200 CE, the Kakchiquel warriors left to settle the less controlled Nicaragua, becoming the NIcarao.

The Nicarao were likely the aggressors in Nicaragua, forcing many Chorotega to flee north to Honduras and others to flee south the Costa Rica. But more than the Chorotega, it is likely that the Miskito were the primary target of the Nicarao, as they were former Kiche/Kakchiquel, albeit from 10,000 years earlier. At that time the Kiche were enforcing a first-born sacrifice regime on all other groups as well as themselves. The Miskito were a group of Kiche who rejected the sacrifice regime and fled from the Gulf of Fonseca to northeastern Nicaragua. But memories were long in the Americas. The Nicarao knew that the Kiche/Miskito had fled Kiche violence rather than conform to the norms of Kiche sacrifice culture. The Miskito heartland on the north Atlantic coast of Nicaragua was quite distant to the Nicarao in southeastern Nicaragua. For the Nicarao, the most accessible Miskito were the Matagalpa, those who much earlier had discovered cacao. It appears that the Matagalpa were heavily victimized by the Nicarao. Some Matagalpa fled to eastern El Salvador and became the Cacaopera. Cacaopera is cacao op per ra is “Cacao workers tired of the dancers.” Matagalpa is the origin of cacao. Dancers in the name refers to the Nicarao, carrying on an ethnic marker from the Kiche/Kakchiquel. The Cacaopera insist that they are Mayan and it is their Kiche roots from 10,200 years ago that they remember.

The Nicarao also were the aggressors against the Poto people of northwestern Nicaragua. Most of Poto fled to east-central El Salvador, next to their half-cousins, the Lenca, sometime between 1200 and 1500 CE. They became the Poton Lenca. The Poton Lenca were also half-cousins to the Quelepa Lenca who had fled from Mexico to eastern El Salvador several hundred years earlier.

While various people were fleeing the Nicarao, one group migrated to Nicaragua in order to detain the plans of the Nicarao. These were the Subtiava, who moved from Mexico to northwest Nicaragua, which, in part, was their ancestral home. The Subtiava were a group of Tlapaneco, who in turn were a split off from the Otomi, who in turn were a mix of Poto and Kiche from the time of the tsunami (~7200 BCE). The Subtiava were returning to their Poto origin area. The Tlapaneco split from the Otomi very early, likely before 6000 BCE, opposing the first-born sacrifice regime of the early Otomi. The Tlapaneco continued living in the mountains of Guerrero while the Otomi migrated further north in Mexico. Subtiava is su ub ti av va or “listen on the plain for those who open with the swings at the body.” Both su and ub are ethnic markers for the Kiche/Kakchiquel, indicating the Kiche origin (in part) of the Tlapaneco.

The Subtiava lived in present-day Leon. While the name Leon likely does date from the time of the Spanish, it likely does not refer to a place in Spain but rather refers to the Subtiava. In the first language it is le on or “former paddlers,” with the spelling of paddlers could only refer to the Kiche/Kakchiquel in the Americas. Or, as things work out, the name Leon could refer both to a place in Spain and to the Subtiava. The Subtiava were likely referring to the Spanish settlers of Leon.

Telica is an active volcano that has been erupting for at least the last 500 years. Telica is an example of several names that the Subtiava gave to the first Spanish settlers of Nicaragua. Telica is tel li ik’ ka or “beside the beginning of the ridge to the sky.” This indicates the beginning of the Telica eruptions, the first two of which were 1527 to 1529. “Ridge to the sky” seems to indicate the Telica eruptions. The dates coincide closely with the arrival of the Spanish in 1524 when they founded Leon. Telica has a double meaning referring to the Spanish, which is te el li ik’ ha or “foreigners from the trees by the river next to the Sky.” The origin place of the foreigners is not Spain but rather where the Spaniard Indo-Europeans came from before the massive Indo-European migration to Spain and Europe generally between 1800 and 1200 BCE. Common in Russian and European names is the phrase “trees by the river,” which refers to the early “Indo-European” culture based along the Yenesei River. Further consolidating this meaning is the additional phrase “next to the Sky.” At the beginning, in about 7500 BCE, a Sky man (Cuscatlan) accompanied a Wall man (Itza) against his will from Canada to Siberia to begin the Indo-Euporean culture. It was the descendants of the Sky man who later freed many Indo-European people from the bondage of their leaders. The name Telica cleverly proclaims that the Subtiava knew who the Spaniards were and where they came from – a history that the Spaniards themselves had long forgotten.

It appears that the Subtiava also named Esteli at about the same time, to the northeast. Esteli shares the teli two syllables with Telica. Esteli is es te el li or “observe beside the ones from the trees at the river.” It uses the same “trees at the river” as Telica, referring to Siberia. But Esteli also had a cleverer double meaning. The Subtiava combined a Spanish meaning with first language meanings, much the same way that Nahuatl meanings were at times combined with first language meanings. With Esteli it is este el li or “beside the foreigners from the east.”

Telica would indicate that the arrival of the Subtiava coincided with the beginning of the eruptions – the “ridge to the sky” – of Telica. The name Telica has a double meaning – te el li ik’ ha, which is “beside the lake of the foreigners from the trees of the Sky.” This would appear to refer to Lake Managua, lake of the Nicarao (foreigners). The trees of the Sky would indicate El Salvador, where the Sky people (Pipil) lived. The name Telica is similar to Esteli, indicating that these two names were likely named at the same time by the Subtiava. Esteli is es tel li which is “observe the ridge beside.” But it is also es te el li or “observe the trees of the foreigners beside.” The trees beside would indicate the cacao trees of the Matagalpa nearby. The Subtiava used Esteli as a place from which to prevent the Nicarao from attaching the Matagalpa.

A name for the mountains that begin at the northern edge of Lake Managua with the Mombotombo is the Maribios range. Mombotombo is a prominent volcano. Its primary meaning describes the volcano – mo om bot to om bo or “trapped foam forced out of the sacrificed foam hole.” However, the double meaning speaks to the origin of the Subtiava people. It is “force out those trapped in the hole.” There is a history from Guerrero of the early history of the Otomi where a rebel group that rejected the sacrifice regime was captured and placed in a cage-like structure. The neighboring Purepecha came to the assistance of the rebel group and helped them to escape. This rebel group became the Tlapaneco, one part of which became the Subtiava. Contained within the name Mombotombo are the letters otom, a shortened version of Otomi. Otomi is a combination of the Poto (Oto) and the Kiche, represented by Mi. By leaving off the last syllable in Otomi, i.e. Otom, in the name Mombotombo, the Subtiava were rejecting the Mi (cat) ideology, the sacrifice regime of the Maya.

Maribios, the mountain range that includes Mombotombo, is mar ri ib bi os or “beside the ocean where companions (spirits) were set down.” This is in recognition of the many Poto (Rama) who were killed in the tsunami of about 7200 BCE, in contrast to the Poto woman who survived floating all the way to Acapulco and became the female founder of the Otomi and Tlapaneco.

La Chimbarona is a village about ten kilometers southwest of Leon. The name describes the arrival of the Spanish and makes it clear that the Subtiava, and others in Mesoamerica, knew the history of the Spaniards. La Chimbarona is la ach chi im bar ro on ha or “large boats of the tired ones previously freed at the river by the Turtles.” The river is referring the Yenesie River of Russia. The Spaniards, like most Indo-Europeans, were freed from very difficult conditions at or near the Yenesie River by the Phoenicians between 1900 and 1200 BCE. The Phoenicians were Sky people, which would also make them Turtle people. The Subtiava knew the history of the Spaniards that the Spaniards themselves had forgotten. What might make the name La Chimbarona even more amazing is the letters chimb or chimp and the syllables baron. The Subtiava embedded two Spanish phrases to insult the Spaniards – the “chimp barons.”

Set Down by the Itza, Massacre in Chalatenango

After the Itza settled in the balsam forest near the coast of present-day La Libertad, most likely at Teotepeque and then Tamanique, they continued the practice of first born sacrifice. Just as with the Cho before them, Itza women, pregnant with their first child, began to flee. Because the Itza lineage started with just two people, the rest dying in the Guija flood, it took several generations for the Itza to have a population which allowed them to begin to guard against the women running away. Perhaps 120 to 160 years passed following the Lago Guija flood, about 7700 to 7660 BCE, before the Itza could effectively begin pursuing the women who escaped.

The escaped (rebel) Itza women and their first born children began to form a community, which likely spanned several generations. The place names indicate that this first rebel Itza community was located above the Sumpul River, on or around the mountain called La Montañona between Las Vueltas and Ojos de Agua, Chalatenango.

The Itza organized an assault, perhaps military in nature, on the rebel community. Several dozen place names record the assault. Nearly all names were named by the Itza guards and reflect the cruelty of the perpetrators of a massacre. The trail of the assaulting campaign begins along the Lempa River at San Jose Cancasque. It is tza an cho os tze ka an k’as k’er or “current at the beginning of esteemed ones slashing those who broke away running from being set down by the upright at the shiny.” The phrase “set down by the upright” suggests that women were being raped at the Itza community in La Libertad. This phrase is used repeatedly by the Itza in the sequence of place names of the assault.

The Itza stayed near the river reaching Hacienda - as si (p)en ta - “remains of many spirits practiced on in the wild.” A little further north along the river seems to be where there was a group of Cuscatlan protecting the women. A battle broke out between the Cuscatlan and Itza but the Itza were able to break through the Cuscatlan. Yurique is yur ri ik’ k’er or “Beside where the slashers broke through the wind (Ik’),” where Ik’ signifies the Cuscatlan. The main group of Itza seems to have broken off here to the west toward Las Vueltas. A smaller group went north/northeast toward Ojos de Agua. Ironically this area is within a kilometer of the Sumpul (Las Aradas) Massacre of May 14, 1980, in which 600 civilians were killed by the Salvadoran military, with assistance from the Honduran military and the U.S. government.

Following first the Ojos de Agua route, we find El Portillo, four kilometers north of Yurique, is el po or ti il lo or “see the women free of openings of the hole by the men.” While this name could refer to sacrifices by the Itza, it seems more directly to talk about the rapes that took place in the Itza homeland. The Itza warriors saw up in the hills the women who had freed themselves from being raped. El Portillo has a double meaning of “squeeze,” indicating that the Itza pinched the women - had men on each flank - as the men drove the women forward. Five kilometers later at Ojos de Agua the killing started. Ojos de Agua is och cho os sak wa or “entrance of the esteemed ones (Cho) setting down beings they searched for.”[1] [1] The ‘j’ in Spanish nomenclature is equivalent to a ‘ch’ in Mi nomenclature.

Other women continued to run north-northeast, some being caught at El Tablon: el ta ab bel lo on, meaning “remains from swinging at other (women) harvesters who were previously free.” A kilometer to the east is El Sitio - el si it ti or - “several women opened by the blows of the leaders.” It has a double meaning of “dancers from the foam (balsam),” linking the massacre again to the Itza. Two kilometers west is La Montañita or la am mo on ta an ni it ta, meaning “remains in the hills of those trapped by the spiders, previously a remnant that had run tired of the blows.” It is likely from this village that the mountain, La Montañona, between Las Vueltas and Ojos de Agua took its name. La Montañita has a double meaning of “powder” indicating that the Itza may have chopped the bones into powder to keep the beings from reincarnating, a practice mentioned in the Popol Vuh.

Still some of the women and their offspring escaped and continued north two kilometers to La Trinidad, reaching safety. Here the surviving Itza women borrowed from the name Nueva Trinidad, Chalatenango, a name given by the famous Cuscatlan woman who escaped the Cho and Kiche leaders more than 500 years earlier. Here La Trinidad is la at tar ri in ni it tat or “woman/women and first born offspring arrive from the hills beside tired of/from the blows of the fathers.” The survivors - there were at least two - continued west through the mountains until reaching a place they would name Comalapa. Their story will be rejoined later.

While one group of Itza warriors ran north pursuing the Itza women to Ojos de Agua, the other group ran to the west, first arriving at Coyolar. This name recalls Coyolito found both on Zacate Grande island near Isla Tigre and in far southeast El Salvador, linking this massacre to the beginning of human sacrifice practice by the Cho/Itza perhaps 600 years earlier in the Gulf of Fonseca.[1] Coyolar is koy yol la al or “time of those tired of the strikes of the chewers.” Chewers refers to tobacco users, but it also refers to tobacco being linked to human sacrifice on Isla Tigre. While the Kiche were more commonly called “chewers,” both Itza and Kiche were the traditional tobacco users. El Zapotal is two kilometers further northwest, el tza ap pot tal, meaning “arrival of the swingers from the wetness (La Libertad wet forest) to squeeze the women.” Like with El Portillo, it appears that the military strategy here was to pinch (squeeze) the movement of the women from each side and behind to force them into the center of the valley. [1] At least the beginning of this phase of human sacrifice. It is possible that their ancestors had a similar practice from time to time in the Aleutian Islands, on the journey to Monte Verde, and in Chile itself.

The south side of the pincher went to Conacaste or k’o on nak’ k’as te or “at the tree, blade to the sperm of the ancestors who practiced on the beginners.” This indicates that a child of an escaped Itza woman was killed here. Its double meaning of “break through the trees” indicates that most of the group was able to escape, perhaps due to the sacrifice of the one killed. This name also lends itself to the conacaste tree, a western El Salvador variation of the more common name guanacaste tree. The Itza caught up to some of the women and their offspring at Las Vueltas: la ab bu el ta as or “remains of the broken apart women tired of the practice of swinging.”

Those of the rebel group who survived at Las Vueltas seemed to separate into various groups here. One group went southwest while another went south and east. This group reached San Jose - tza an cho os tze - “upright ones set down those who ran from the esteemed at the wetness.” Using upright and set down together seems to indicate a woman or several women was/were raped before being killed. Some also reached La Laguna - al la ak kun na - “disappear and forget about the tender skin of those tired of the corn people.” And finally, Aldea Vieja - al te ab bi etz cha - “time of two companions who had observed the swinging at the trees.” The women had observed the sacrifice practice at the balsam trees of La Libertad and run away. Companions would seem to indicate as spouses or partners of two of the Izta pursuers. The two husbands killed their wives here.

Another group of survivors ran southwest from Las Vueltas down the Tumulasco valley followed by Itza pursuers. Arriving at La Ceiba one or more were killed. La Ceiba is la as tze eb ba - “body (ies) of those who separated due to the practice of the upright.” And then at Las Minas an offspring(s) of an Itza rebel women was killed: Las Minas - la as mi in as - “cats practice on the first born tired of the practice.” This suggests that the Itza warriors took out the heart(s) of the offspring - the sacrifice practice. The Rio Tumulasco which begins above Las Vueltas and flows past Las Minas and down to the Lempa was named for this event. Tumulasco is tu mul la as ko’ and means “mound(s) of corpses of those tired of the practice of the blade.” This name gives an idea of the magnitude of the Ojos de Agua / Las Vueltas massacre.

The north side of the pincher from El Zapotal caught some of the rebels at Los Naranjos: lo os nar ra an cho os or “esteemed ones set down those who freed themselves running, tired of being set down by the corn people.” This name implies that women were raped (set down) at Libertad and then again before the Itza killed them near Las Vueltas. The Itza called themselves corn people because they first hybridized corn not far from here. Next, some of the women made it west two kilometers to El Sicahuite. The Itza were borrowing a name referring to their discovery of teosinte near Arcatao at least 500 years earlier as they chased a Cuscatlan woman. This probably means that the Itza discovered teosinte at this spot, although not clear if it was at the time of this massacre. However, the name El Sicahuite has meaning in this context: el sik ka wi it te, meaning “blow from the source searches for the women and first-born in the trees. Blow (it) and source (wi) are both ethnic identifiers for the Itza.  Since the Itza warriors were searching for the women, the name El Sicahuite indicates that a group of women and their offspring continued running west through the mountains toward Comalapa.

This group of surviving women and offspring made it to El Llano Verde, although it appears that some Itza warriors were still pursuing them. El Llano Verde, named by the Itza, is el la an no op per te or “women harvesters tired of the dancers run to the big trees.” The women and offspring split up here into at least three groups, with one (or more) running toward Concepcion Quezaltepeque and being caught at Conacaste. Like the previous Conacaste, it is “at the tree, blade to the sperm of the ancestors who practiced on the beginners.” Here or nearby the Itza warrior encountered one or several Olomeca man/men who probably paddled up from the Lempa, given the name nearby Olosingo. Olosingo is ol lo os si in k’o and means “blade to the man who set down many free first-born.”[2] The Olomeca killed the Itza and then continued north to gather survivors of the massacre. Next to Olosingo is a colonial era name, Concepcion Quezaltepeque. [2] There is no subject-object rule in Mi, so this could also be the Itza killing an Olomeca man. However, given that this name repeats in Honduras just north of the escaping point of the women, it seems more likely to refer to the Olomeca killing an Itza warrior.

Concepcion Quezaltepeque, given its obvious Spanish and Nawat meanings, seems to be a colonial era name. However, it seems to be named by someone explaining the events of the massacre and this end point of the massacre to a Spanish official, who together with the indigenous person(s) gave it the name Concepcion to mark the beginning of the military precision of Itza campaigns throughout history - as the indigenous would have explained. It is paired with a village of Concepcion in San Isidro Labrador, a beginning point of this massacre. Concepcion Quezaltepeque is ko on tze ep si on k’er etz tza al te ep ek’ k’er and means “time of the blade of the several ancestors who observed under the stars those who previously separated to the upright trees, slashed those who separated from the slashing at the wetness.” “Several ancestors” - cion - refers to the Cho and Xinca ancestry of the Itza. The conception of the Quezaltepeque. A double meaning is “wall,” a nickname of the Itza stemming from the tsunami at Guija.

From El Llano Grande another Itza woman (or women) ran to the west toward El Rosario where one (or more) was caught by an Itza warrior. El Rosario is el ro os sar ri op/or/om or “dancing man from the foam (balsam) sets down the free woman beside the wall (cliff).” The wall (sar) is one of the nicknames of the Itza. At least one Itza offspring ran straight north from El Llano Grande toward Las Pacayas, where they were caught. Las Pacayas is la as pa ak ka ya as or “time of pain due to practicing on the body(ies) of beginner(s) who was/were tired of the practice,” indicating that the heart of the offspring was taken out. It also has a double meaning of “bones.” Pacayas is meant to rhyme with Maya to indicate who was responsible.

A different group of at least two - a woman and an offspring - arrived safely to Candelaria, two kilometers north of El Rosario. Candelaria is ka an te el la al ri ha and means “time of tired woman/women and beginner(s) run to trees beside the stream.” Given that this name was repeated by the Cuscatlan near Lago Ilopango, it seems possible that a Cuscatlan man met the survivors here to help them. Perhaps he survived the attack at Yurique and ran to this point seeking survivors. This name and the remainder from here on were made by the survivors not by the Itza attackers who named the previous names.

One kilometer northwest of Candelaria is Comalapa - k’om ma al la ap pa - “join those tired of the bad ones swinging at the bodies.” It was here that they joined the Ojos de Agua survivors, signifying that there were at least four survivors in total. Comalapa has double meanings of “the sea” and “rub” - indicating that hands were lain on the wounded to help them heal and the decision was already made to take them by ocean to a refuge far away from the Itza. Just north of Comalapa is El Morro: hel mo or ro or “women free of being trapped by the leaders.”

Three kilometers northeast of Comalapa is La Laguna, a second instance of this name. The survivors began to move northward together to reach safer territory deeper into the mountains. La Laguna is not near a lake or lagoon. Its name comes from Mi, the ancient language. La Laguna: la al la ak’ k’un nar, meaning “tired of the corn people, tired of points on the skin of the young ones.” It has a double meaning of “tender” indicating some of the survivors were injured. It has another second meaning of “disappeared,” which was probably a message for the Itza that they couldn’t be found. The name also indicates that some of the survivors heard the name La Laguna given by the Itza warriors earlier. The survivors used it again but with a different meaning, to link the massacre with their escape.

Four kilometers further northeast is Vainillas or ba in nil la as, which is “heal the bodies of the first born and those tired of the practice.” It has a double meaning of “see in the hills.” This name was likely given by the Olomeca who saw the survivors in the hills, helped them descend, and began to heal the injuries of the Itza women and offspring. Four kilometers to the east is El Carrizal, a name which may have been given as the northern group of Itza rebel survivors left La Trinidad. El Carrizal is hel k’ar ri is sal or “movement of the detained women beside wall.” “Wall” is a nickname for the Itza - the wall of wetness at Lago Guija. Carrizal also contains the destination of the women who had been detained: Cari or Cali - California.[3] For the Itza attackers, the phrase “movement beside” may have thrown them off - looking for the survivors in Honduras. [3] The ‘r’ and ‘l’ are interchangeable in the ancient language.

But for a few days the survivors did go to present-day Honduras. Potrerillos is one kilometer north of Vainillas. Potrerillos is pot tar re er ri il lo os or “see the arrival of the women, free from being set down, who were squeezed out by the paddlers.” Like Vainillas, Potrerillos was named by the Olomeca who happened to arrive there, probably after hearing about the massacre.[4] Two kilometers north of Potrerillos at the Sumpul River is Petapa. This name comes from the Itza survivors not the Olomeca. Petapa is pet ta ap pa and means “remains poured from the swinging at the bodies,” describing the horror of blood and body parts pouring out of the bodies attacked by the Itza. It has a double meaning of “covering” referring to the blood covering the ground. The Peta- prefix is unusual and would be repeated by the survivors once they reached their destination in California. [4] The syllable re would normally have been rep to describe Itza paddlers, however the Olomeca, and related ethnicities, alone among the Mesoamericans, used the syllable ren. Re was a suitable compromise for the Olomeca when speaking of the Itza. Later the Otomi, partially related to the Olomeca, used a similar approach when naming the state of Guerrero.

The survivors and those who accompanied them crossed the Sumpul River at Petapa and went three kilometers northeast to Olosingo. It appears that at least one of the Itza warriors still pursued the survivors because Olosingo means “blade to the man/men who set down many free first-born.” The Olo prefix tells us that it was the Olomeca who killed the pursuer. At this point the survivors and the Olomeca who accompanied them appeared to no longer have much fear of being pursued because they turned east parallel to the Lempa River and then eventually southeast to the Lempa.

Eleven kilometers east of Olosingo and slightly north is the village of Coyolillo. It is k’oy yol li il lo or “see those beside, free of the strikes of the chewers.” The chewers could refer to either the Kiche or the Cho (Itza) who were the two original tobacco users. In fact, this name references Coyolito, found on Isla Grande de Zacate right next to Isla Tigre where the early Mesoamerican people lived. Coyolito, from about 600 years earlier, speaks about the Kiche and Cho gaining tobacco from the Xibalba in exchange for a human sacrifice. Here, Coyolillo links the massacre in Chalatenango to the first human sacrifice in the Gulf of Fonseca. It also references Coyolar, the beginning point of the Las Vueltas portion of the massacre. Because Coyolillo contains the syllable for “beside”, it seems that it was named by people already at the location, not by the Itza survivors themselves. These may have been Lenca but more likely were Ulua (Cuzcatlan) from nearby Arcatao.

Tomala is two kilometers southeast of Coyolillo. Tomala is to om ma al la or “time of those tired of the evil sacrifices at the foam (balsam).” It has a double meaning of “open space of water” or “ocean,” indicating that there was already knowledge that the survivors were to be transported by ocean. At this point, 15 kilometers from the Ojos de Agua massacre, the survivors and their Olomeca companions turned to the southeast to meet the Lempa River. Tambla is one kilometer south of Tomala. Tambla is ta am bel la or “remnant of the harvesters tired of the spiders.” It has a double meaning of “boats on waterway to deep water,” again indicating that they were on their way to an ocean retreat. Tambla was meant to signal the name Tamanique, the home base of the Itza in the balsam hills of La Libertad, El Salvador - original home for both those who escaped and the warriors who pursued them.

San Francisco del Aceituno is three kilometers southeast of Tomala. It provides an indication where the Itza survivors were going to - San Francisco or what we now call northern California.[5] San Francisco del Aceituno is tza an bar ra an si is k’o ot te el as tze et it tu un no or “challenge of the women and children tired of the practice of the upright on the children at the large trees, who ran from many corpses from the blades and blows, movement to the boats.” The name references the first-born sacrifice practice at the balsam trees and the massacre in Chalatenango. The name has a double meaning of “tired of running on the stones of the uprights (steep hills),” describing the difficult journey through the mountains of southern Honduras. The name also makes two references to the Olomeca, indicating that they accompanied the Itza women and children. [5] San Francisco (California), would have been named later, when this group of Itza survivors arrived in the San Francisco Bay. Therefore, the name of San Francisco del Aceituno was named after news came back of the safe arrival of the Itza refugees to northern California, to a place they named San Francisco.

Gualcixe is four kilometers southeast of San Francisco del Aceituno. Gualcixe is wal si is che or wal si ik tze - the x can be either a k’, ch, or s. It means “Sky observe many who handled the movement uprights - hills.” Sky is an ethnic identifier meaning Ulua (Cuscatlan). It has a double meaning of “guides” or “Olomeca”. Valladolid is two kilometers south of Gualcixe. While it might be a colonial era name coming from Spain, its meaning fits here. It is ba al la at to ol li it or “time of being beside the bodies tired of the blows and sacrifices of the leaders,” with a double meaning of “loaded onto boats.”

Eleven kilometers south of Valladolid is Guajiniquil, seven kilometers east of Arcatao. It takes its name in part from Manaquil, one of the names of the river that flows through Arcatao. Guajiniquil is wa ach chi in ni ik’ ki il or “Sky see the dear ones and turtle beings in the large hills.” Turtle beings refer to pregnant women. Putting the qualifier “large” with “hills” is another indicator for the Olomeca accompanying the dear ones and turtle beings. The name recalls the Ulua’s own ancestral woman who escaped the Itza (Cho) of her day by the Manaquil River.

Less than three kilometers south of Guajiniquil is La Virtud. It is la ap pi ir tu ut or “see the companions tired of the swinging and the opened corpses.” This unusual name confirms that the Itza warriors dismembered bodies after they killed them. La Haciendita is four kilometers southeast of La Virtud. It takes its name from Hacienda near San Jose las Flores, so it may have been named a little later. It is la as si ir ren ti it ta or “see the (Olomeca) paddlers with the several remaining of those tired of the practice of opening by the blows.”

Finally, the Itza survivors together with Olomeca reached the Lempa River near where the Rio Mocal joins it.  Mocal is mo ok’ Cal or “those trapped split for Cal (California).” K’al - “retained” - has basically the same meaning as mo - “trapped”, which indicates that cal is meant to be a geographic identifier. In addition, Mocal shares three of the same letters with Miwok, another clue who they became when they reached California. On the El Salvador side of the Lempa near the Mocal River is Santa Catarina, or tza an tak’ k’at tar ri in ha, which means “those who ran from the wetness and their firstborn crossed on dryness arriving beside the river.” To cross on dryness means that they arrived overland not by boat on the river.

Once the Itza survivors reached the Lempa River, they were likely taken by boat by the Olomeca downstream to the Pacific Ocean. At the mouth of the Lempa the Itza survivors, soon to become Miwok, were taken by sail raft, again by the Olomeca, up the Pacific Coast to the San Francisco Bay, where they would have been met by the Ohlone, relatives of the Olomeca.

The name that most links the Miwok to the survivors of the Ojos de Agua / Las Vueltas massacre is Petaluma, a Miwok village name near the center of the coastal Miwok area. Petaluma shares a prefix with Petapa, El Salvador, a village just northwest of Ojos de Agua. Petaluma is pet ta al lum ma or “the time of the bad ones pouring the remains on the ground,” nearly an identical meaning as Petapa, describing the massacre with the graphic phrase “pouring the remains.” In addition, Peta is a very rare indigenous prefix in the Americas, increasing the likelihood of a link between these two names. Petaluma has a second meaning which describes the way the tide comes up the Petaluma River all the way to the site of Petaluma, from pet tal lum ha or “arrival of the water pouring over land.”

Other names indicate the first arrival of the Olomeca and Itza survivors, now Miwok, into San Francisco Bay. At Sausalito they were greeted by the Ohlone who likely showed them where to settle. Sausalito is tza us sal li it to or “beside those capable under the blows and sacrifices of the Sal at the wetness.” Sal (“wall”) is a nickname for the Itza. Sausalito also describes the cliffs there. The Ohlone likely directed the Olomeca and Itza survivors to the San Pablo Bay and the Petaluma Bay. San Pablo is tza an pa ap lo or “wetness (bay) of those who ran, free of the swinging at the body.”

Towering above San Francisco Bay and San Pablo Bay is Mount Tamalpais. The name Tamalpais originated with this story. Tamalpais is ta am ma al pa is or “the time of moving from the remains of the bodies from the bad spiders.” The first syllable tam was meant to recall the Itza home in El Salvador, Tamanique, as well as Tambla, the name they gave a place in Honduras as they were fleeing Chalatenango and heading toward the Lempa River boats to freedom.[6] [6] Tamal might also be a much older name, referencing the Tamal of India and might indicate a similar flight by boat by their ancestors escaping the Tamal, perhaps to Burma, 45,000 to 50,000 years ago.

Olompali is a large hill on the west side of the Petaluma River, inland about five kilometers from the San Pablo Bay. Olompali obviously borrows from both Olomeca and Ohlone. It is ol lo om pal li or “boats beside those free from the leaders at the foam (balsam). Olo indicates that the boats were Olomeca. It has a double meaning of “the time of the crest beside those free of the bodies at the foam (balsam).”

Other Miwok names around Petaluma are consistent with this interpretation. Payran, a Petaluma neighborhood, is pa ar ra an or “time of those tired of running from the bodies.” The ‘y’ in the name gives it a partial rhyme with Maya, indicating who they were running from.  San Antonio, a creek south of Petaluma, is tza an nan to on ni or or “hills of the women ancestors who ran from the sacrifices of the leaders at the wetness (balsam).” Kastania is two kilometers south of Petaluma. It is kas ta an ni ha, meaning “river of those who broke away running from the remains in the hills,” with a double meaning of “breaking away from practice on the beginners (first-born).”

The name San Francisco also originates with the Miwok. It is sa an bar ra an si is k’o and means “movement by boat of several who ran, tired of the blade, on the swollen current (Pacific Ocean).” It has a double meaning of “the cold” indicating moving to a colder climate than they were used to. Another double meaning is “harvesters on the waterway” San Francisco would become a buzzword name in El Salvador and Honduras for Itza women escaping to the west coast of North America.

At the Pacific Ocean at the Salmon Creek mouth is Pulyalakum, which has a double meaning. On one hand it is pu ul ya al la ak’ k’um or “at the rinse, time of explaining growing tired of the pain from the cutting the skin into pieces.” This describes their running away from the Itza guards. The second meaning describes the run of the salmon. It is quite possible that the Miwok named the salmon here. Salmon is sal mo on or “previously trapped by the Sal,” where Sal is an ethnic identifier for Itza. This name describes the Miwok situation. But Salmon also describes the movement of the salmon: sal mo on: “previously trapped by the wall.” The salmon jumps over the wall or barrier that it was previously trapped behind.

The Itza men did not just leave alone the Itza survivors (Miwok) at Petaluma. After some time - months or years - a group of Itza men sailed up the coast from El Salvador in search of the Itza women and offspring who survived the Las Vueltas / Ojos de Agua massacre. The first name that points toward the arrival of the Itza warriors is the name of a park, Big Sur. There is no convincing origin for the name Big Sur.[1] [1] For example, the wikipedia entry on Big Sur says that “the original Spanish-language name for the unexplored mountainous terrain south of Monterey, the capital of Alta California, was "el país grande del sur" meaning, "the big country of the south." It was Anglicized by English-speaking settlers as Big Sur.”

In Mi, Big Sur is bi ik’ sur or “foreign companions on the wind.” This indicates that the “foreigners” were sailing. It is interesting that they are called “foreign”. The Olhone, having arrived from Central America less than 200 years earlier, likely would not have called the Itza foreign. This likely makes the name have a Chumash origin. Further evidence of a Chumash origin comes from the syllable for foreign: sur. The Ohlone version of Mi would have used sun.

A few kilometers up the coast from Big Sur is Bixby. Bixby is bi is bi or “companions of the companions who moved.” I think that the first “companion” here means from the same ethnicity and maybe also partner. The second companion is a friendly way of referring to the Miwok. Given that this name also starts with bi, like Big Sur, I would guess that this is also a Chumash name.

Five kilometers north are the names Soberanes Point and Garrapata Creek. These names have a much more Mesoamerican sound to them, likely marking the change from Chumash to Ohlone territory. Soberanes is highly likely to be an Itza name that the Ohlone kept alive later. Soberanes is so ob ber ra an ne es or “dancers observing for the tail of the harvesters who ran since they were tired of the curves.” The use of the term harvesters is condescending and something the Itza men used to describe Itza women but that Ohlone would be unlikely to use. The syllable ran is a clue that the Itza were talking to Ohlone here since ran is an ethnic marker for Olomeca (and Ohlone). The “curves” relate to blades but could have a phallic double meaning. Garrapata is k’ar ar ra ap pa at ta is “time of the remnant in the bath (Pacific Ocean), here to detain those who grew tired of the swinging at the body.” Later this same word, double meaning of tick, was used by Poto women (relatives of the Ohlone) in Guerrero, Mexico, to describe Kiche men as part of the new Otomi ethnicity.

Further north is Point Lobos, which is lo ob bo os or “dancers in the hole (Pacific Ocean) to set down the free ones;” likely an Itza-given name. Carmel by the Sea is an usual name for the western U.S. It seems likely that is derives from an indigenous name given the consistent meaning with the remainder of this narrative. Carmel by-the-Sea or Carmel Bithese is k’ar mel bi ix che etz tze or “uprights observing for the companions who moved and that they (uprights) failed to handle detaining.” Uprights refer both to the sails on the sail raft(s) and to the Itza men. Carmel alone would be “failed to detain” - telling part of the story, but Carmel Bithese tells a more complete story and is likely the original name given by the Itza sailors.

More names along the Pacific Coast indicate that the Ohlone spotted the Itza search party and eventually detained them. Monterey is mo on te er re or “paddlers who previously trapped the women in the trees (balsam trees of Tamanique).” The Ohlone and the Itza used different syllables for paddlers but Monterey uses a neutral syllable re, consistent with the Ohlone seeing Itza paddlers. Further up the coast at present-day Half Moon Bay, the original name was San Benito. San Benito is tza an ben ni it to or “those who gave blows in the hills (Chalatenango) to those who ran from the sacrifices at the wetness (Tamanique).” It has a double meaning of “paddle to the lost harvesters,” indicating that the Itza were looking for the Itza Miwok, who were lost to them.

Continuing up the coast from San Benito (Half Moon Bay) is Miramar or mi ir ra am ma ar, “the time of seeing the bad cats tired from spidering.” The next name is El Granada or el k’ar ra an nat ta, meaning “tired remnant from a distance who detained the women who had run.” The name uses a syllable ran that is consistent with the Ohlone giving this name. In the hills above El Granada is Rancho Corral de Tierra. This is ra an cho ok’ k’o or ra al te et ti er ha or “time of the challenge in the water with the tired esteemed leaders who, in the trees, took the blade to the women who ran tired of the openings (injuries), then split.”

Above Rancho Corral de Tierra is Scarpet Peak. It is sak k’ar pet or “searching for those they had detained and poured.” This name reveals who the Itza were looking for - the pet - those “poured” were those who escaped through Petapa and found their way to Petaluma - the Miwok. Back near the coast a little further north the name Capistrano shows up. It is ka ap pi is ti ir ra an no - “No (Ohlone) see arrival of those who swing at the beginners and those who ran and moved, tired of the openings.” The no (“large”) syllable is one of the ethnic identifiers of the Olomeca (and Ohlone). The “swing-at-the-beginners” (double meaning “hold-in-mouths”) could refer to either the Itza or Kiche. This name has a double meaning of “women in the trees,” linking it to the events in Chalatenango.

Montara is a name along the coast just south of Pacifica and the name of a mountain about five kilometers inland. Montara is mo on tar ra or “arrival of those who previously trapped the tired ones.” The tired ones refers both to the physical state of the Itza survivors (Miwok) and that they were tired of the sacrifice practice. Montara was also known as Montoro originally. This name also fits the story. Montoro is mo on to or ro or “leaders who previously trapped those free of the sacrifices.”

San Pedro is located on the south side of Pacifica, where the story arrives to its climax. San Pedro is tza an pet tar ro or “arrival of those who poured those who ran from the wetness.” It has a double meaning of “women in the trees,” referring to the Itza women who were killed in Chalatenango. Nearby Linda Mar is li in ta am ma ar, meaning “time beside the remnant of spiders who were bad to the first born.” It has a double meaning of “one in the deep sea,” indicating that there was only one sail raft. The last two syllables of Linda Mar are tamar or tamal, referencing that the bad spiders were looking for those near Mount Tamalpais (the Miwok). Like Tamalpais, Linda Mar (Lintamar), with its middle syllable tam, also references the Itza home in Tamanique, El Salvador, where it is likely the Itza sailors came from.

Two kilometers further north in Pacifica is Calera or k’al le er ha or “retain the other paddlers in the water.” The use of “other” here means that by this time the Ohlone considered the Itza to be others or foreigners. The Calera Valley indicates where the Ohlone captured the Itza out in the ocean. The neighborhood a little inland here is called Vallemar. Vallemar is bal le em mar or “boat of the paddlers descended into the sea.” The Ohlone were able to submerge the Itza sailing raft and capture the Itza swimming in the water.

One kilometer north is Mori Point, a name that is neither English nor Spanish. Mori is mo or ri or “men (leaders) trapped beside,” with a double meaning of “mound (ridge) beside.” One of the main streets in Pacifica is Palmetto. In Mi it is pal mer re et to or “time of the sacrificers of the body failing the challenge of paddling” and a double meaning of “boats.” It indicates that the Itza could not out-sail or out-paddle the Ohlone. Lake Merced, a couple kilometers north, tells the same story. It is mer tze et or “upright (sails) fail in the challenge,” with a double meaning of “to slash.” Inland from Mori Point is Milagra Ridge, a name that sounds Spanish but would be Milagro. Milagra is mi il la ak’ k’er ra or “see the tired cats who slashed the skin of those who were tired,” with a play on “tired.” It has a double meaning of “detain,” indicating that the Itza were captured rather than drowned.

Names further inland indicate that the captured Itza were likely taken inland from the coast at Pacifica to the area near Serramonte and Colma, just south of present-day Daly City, perhaps because that is where the peninsula Ohlone leadership was located. Serramonte is ser ra am mo on te and means “bind the spiders who previously trapped the tired ones in the (balsam) trees.” Consistent with Mori Point, this name confirms that the Itza leaders were captured and bound and brought to Serramonte. Nearby Colma is k’o ol ma or “bad bladed leaders” with a double meaning of “transport the bad ones.” This seems to indicate that the Itza were tied to a lattice and carried that way. The syllable ma often indicates death so it is possible that the Itza leaders were killed here, ironic given Colma’s present status as a host of multiple cemeteries and almost no live people.

Finally, the name of the Ohlone on the peninsula indicates the fate of the Itza captives. The peninsular Ohlone are called the Ramaytush. This is ra am ma it tu ux or “corpses of the three bad ones who wished to give blows to those who were tired of the spiders (Itza).” By using the syllable may, the name indicates that it was three Maya corpses and the syllable it is associated with the Itza. The name also pays homage to the Rama of the Chibchab, relatives of the Ohlone, since both came from the Olomeca line. The Rama escaped from the Itza (Cho) at Isla Tigre about 600 years earlier. Tuch also has a meaning of “snub tail,” often associated with a rabbit, perhaps hinting at the form of death for the Itza.

The Miwok at Petaluma were no doubt afraid after the arrival of the Itza raft even though the Itza men were killed. They chose to move by boat to the San Joaquin Delta, by way of the Sacramento River, and the Sierra Nevada foothills. The former village name of Anizumne is located near the present-day town of Rio Vista on the west bank of the Sacramento River. Anizumne is an ni is sum ne or “move running to the hills on the winding tails.” The use of “running” indicates that they were pressured to move - the threat of Itza sailors.  The syllable zum is a reference back to their ancestors who ran from Tamanique up to the hills above Rio Sumpul.

From there the Miwok did not go up the more obvious Sacramento or San Joaquin Rivers. Instead they chose the winding and more hidden Mokelumne and Cosumnes rivers.  A very similar name to Anizumne is found at the confluence of the Mokelumne and Cosumnes, the village of Unizumne, which is un ni is sum ne or “move the children up the winding tail to the hills.” This name could not be any clearer about the reason that the Miwok moved up to the Sierra foothills from the coast - to keep the children safe from Itza threats. The use of the syllable zum again refers back to the massacre in Chalatenango.

Sakayak-unni on the Mokelumne River is sak ka ya ak un ni or “warriors pain in the skin search for the first born, to the hills.” The use of the syllables kayak reveals that the Miwok were transporting themselves by canoe or kayak and that they may have been the ones to invent the kayak, which would have been about 7600BCE. Mokelumne is mo ok’ k’el lum ne or “trapped and slashed ones split from the land (lum) for the tail.” Lum is mostly a geographic marker for Petaluma - they left Petaluma for the San Joaquin valley. Mokelumne also describes the river being formed after the Ohlone broke open the Carquinez Strait allowing the large lake to flow out of the San Joaquin valley. Mokelumne’s second meaning is “Tail after the constricted earth gashed and split open.” The downstream portion of the Mokelumne would not have existed if the Ohlone had not drained the central valley.

The Miwok also moved up the Cosumnes River to the Sierra foothills. Cosumnes describes the river coming down from the Sierra - ko os sum ne etz or “observe the winding tail setting down on blades (rocks). But the double meaning of Cosumnes also describes Miwok history: “observe the blades who set down the tails (first-born) at the Sum (Sumpul).” This indicates that they saw the Itza looking for them - most likely referring to Colma - and because of the Itza threat moved to the foothills. A village on the Cosumnes is Chuyumkatat. It is the most direct name describing the feelings of the Miwok toward the Itza. Chuyumkatat is chu yum k’at tat or “cross from the guards of the controlling (owner) father(s).” They crossed from Central America to northern California to get away from both the guards and the leader father(s) - describing a hierarchy.

An interesting name on the Cosumnes River, near the eastern border of present-day Sacramento County, is Michigan. While it is possible that it is a settler era name, it is likely that it is a name created here by the Miwok and later borrowed by their relatives, the Ojibwe, in Michigan (state). Michigan is mich chi ik’ k’an or “scrape the large yellow in the open air.” This would indicate that they were mining. Giver that this was in the middle of gold country, yellow likely indicated gold. Later in the state of Michigan it indicated copper.

The name Miwok uses the letter ‘w’ as a wild-card that is primarily an ‘r’ but with secondary meanings coming from ‘m’ and ‘p’. Miwok is mi ir ro ok and means “see the loose cats split open.” It matches the name Cosumnes in speaking about seeing the Itza warriors who sailed up from Central America looking for them. But Miwok is more specific in referring to the Itza who were captured by the Ohlone at killed at Colma. Using the ‘m’ and ‘p’ adds secondary meanings: “trapped in the hole (ocean) and blasted, the spirits.” Calling the Itza ‘loose’ means that they came up on their own rather than with a larger, organized group. Miwok is also an onamonapia - i.e. “cats wokked”.

The Miwok were just the start of Itza women and first-born escaping the Itza Maya of El Salvador to the west coast of North America, from the lower San Joaquin valley to Washington, between 7700 and 7400BCE. All the nations who speak a Penutian language, except the Ohlone, have their origin with escaping Itza women at this time. By perhaps 200 years later, by 7450BCE, the Itza finally stopped their practice of first-born sacrifice, likely in large part due to the resistance of the Itza women.

Thor Heyerdahl and the Production of Balsam Rafts in El Salvador

Log rafts were a key form of travel for both the prehistoric Peruvians and Salvadorans. Their common ancestors arrived to Monte Verde, Chile, in 12,500 BCE, most likely in log rafts from across the Pacific Ocean. From there one group migrated by raft to Taima Taima, Venezuela, another one to El Abra-Tocancipa, Columbia, and still yet another to the Lapa do Boquete, Rio Sao Francisco region of Brazil.

The four founding families of Mesoamerica arrived from South America to Playa Toluca, El Salvador, in four rafts in about 8700 BCE. The remains in the form of the sailing stones, which were both ballast and functional, can still be seen at Toluca. Both before and after their journey to El Salvador it is likely, inevitable, this group sailed back across the Pacific Ocean.

Thor Heyerdahl, in Early Man and the Ocean, provides a drawing of a potential log raft design:

The rafts would have been made with a rather buoyant wood, but the size of the logs was also important. The logs would have been repeatedly coated in a resin to make them more water resistant. From early Spanish accounts Heyerdahl calls the rafts jangadas and mentioned the importance of the centerboard, called guara.

Both of these words are significant in Ch'orti' and it's likely that they were retained cultural words from the time before Ch'orti' and proto-Andean separated. Jangada is chan (snake) + k'aht (anything laid across) in Ch'orti'. "Snake laid across" refers to the latticing or bindings that tied the logs together and likely refers to the last component of the raft to be perfected in Asia before the initial journey across. The reference to snake helps explain the prevalence of serpent symbolism in Mayan culture. "Snake latticing" produces a curious parallel to b'ahram, the word for tame jaguar, which means "spider latticing", referring to the weave of the jaguar cage. Guara, the centerboards, is wa'ar in Ch'orti' and means "standing" or "perpendicular".

The Maya likely had a much harder ocean trip on the raft until they discovered and were able to produce rafts out of Peru Balsam (myroxylon). Heyerdahl placed the balsam forests in Ecuador. While it is likely true that the Maya helped their Andean cousins to transplant a balsam forest there, the Peru Balsam is uniquely native to El Salvador. It lives in upland areas of 800 to 1,300 meters in the departments of Sonsonate and La Libertad. This is located only about 20 kilometers from Lago Coatepeque, one of the four island homes of the early Mayan/Mesoamerican people.

While the Maya likely discovered the balsam prior to their defeat of Xibalbha in about 7500 BCE, they could not produce rafts without putting themselves at extreme risk of the Xibalbhans. With no threat from Xibalba, the Maya could move forward with full-scale raft production. What is most noticeable about the balsam is the sap. They most likely tried to light it to use as an incense or charcoal, as well as to rub onto canoes and rafts.

At some point the Maya were able to get a balsam log into standing water - not so easy from the steep Cordillera de Balsam. They noticed four things about the balsam that make it the best tree in the Americas for ocean-going rafts and perhaps the best in the world:

• The size of the logs both in terms of width and length - the trees grow 40 meters tall;
• The straightness of the trunk;
• The resin-laden wood which makes it extremely resistant to water, including salt water;
• The buoyancy of the wood.

The Maya quickly noticed the buoyancy. The balsam is named for "wet latticing" (par + tz'am or tz'ah). And it has a second meaning of "get rid of weight" referring to its buoyancy (bar + s'at).

The U.S. National Forest Service rates the qualities of various trees, including their buoyancy. Of 156 rated trees only three have a specific gravity or buoyancy greater than the peru balsam, which is rated 81 and 74 (green). These are the southern live oak, the osage orange, and the mesquite. The former is too twisted to be used in a raft while the latter two are too small to use in raft production.

The geography of the Balsam Range and the surrounding area made it hard for the Maya to harvest balsam logs and produce balsam rafts. There are rivers on the south side of ridge top that go directly to the ocean. However after a rain the current is strong and there is no place to catch the logs coming down. They would go directly into the ocean. On the north side of the ridge top there are several creeks, like the Talnique, the Shutia, the Cashal, and the Apalata. These all flow into the Sucio River which then flows north to meet the Lempa River, which flows northeast then south to the ocean. The Sucio is rather flat so it is a good place to catch the loose logs and assemble them into flotillas to make the trip to the mouth of the Lempa River, where the community of Tehuacan was waiting to construct the rafts.

The creeks in the Cordillera del Bálsamo are primarily seasonal. Without rain they have little flow, like the Shutia at right. This means that harvesting of the balsam logs would only take place in the rainy season and only after a heavy rain could they send the logs down the creeks. A local person told me that the Shutia would rise one meter or more after a heavy rain. Yet I'm sure that someone had to run alongside the logs with a pole to try to dislodge any logjams.

Let's look at some of the local place names which will confirm the balsam production in this areas:

Apalata (a creek near Jayaque):

ab - swinging container, hammock
laht' - anything carried
ha' - water

I think this refers to a sling placed under the front end of a log with a person on each side to guide the log through a tight place.

Jayaque - town near top of Balsam ridge

ha' - water
ak' - covering, object resting on another

I understand this to mean "logjam over the water".

Sucio (watershed of the north side of Balsam Range)

susi - smooth down, cut, trim

The balsam logs were cut and trimmed on the flatter Rio Susi (Sucio) near the later San Andres structure. From there they were bound temporarily and were guided down the Rio Susi (Sucio) by a pilot with a pole to the Lempa River and then down the Lempa many days to the lower Lempa near Tehuacan where the logs were taken out and reassembled into a raft with a sail, and slots for centerboards. In many cases there was cargo stored on either the Usulutan or San Vicente side of the Lempa ready to go. For example, the name of Tecoluca, the municipality on the western (San Vicente) side of the Lempa:

te' - trees, sticks
k'or - transport
uh - sacred
kah - beginning

So Tecoluca is "beginning of the sacred log transport" referring to rafts that were assembled there.

Returning to the Rio Susi, the nearby archeological site San Andres is likely a memorial to the balsam log workers who live there part of the year, captured the loose logs, bound them and guided them down the river. This is evidenced by the indigenous name for San Andres, Tecpan. The Wisdom Ch'orti' dictionary says that tecpan means Catholic church and plaza and that it came from Nahua. It is the other way around. When the Maya needed a word for Catholic church they thought of their model for a plaza and thought of Tecpan (San Andres). The meaning of Tecpan is clear:

te' - tree(s)
ek' - down
pan - loose, sprout

Tecpan means "loose trees coming down" (from the Balsam Range). This would seem to indicate that San Andres may have been one of the first structures. Previously we discussed how it forms a line with Tazumal at Chalchuapa, where the Siete Principes site at the base of Lago Coatepeque is at the half-way point.

Even when geography proved to be difficult the Maya found a way to move forward. They found and assembled the logs which would allow them to sail long and far in the oceans, just as Thor Heyerdahl suspected of the indigenous in the Americas.

Guanacos: From ancient South Africa to Spain

Salvadorans are called 'guanacos' rather affectionately by some, perhaps disparagingly by others. Most Salvadorans are proud of the name. As is turns out, 'guanaco' has a long, important history and demonstrates the centrality of Salvadorans in the history of indigenous in the Americas.

A common word that comes from the same root is guano, which means bird poop, bat droppings, or dung in general and is associated with coastal areas and caves. Merriam Webster says that guano was first used as a word in 1604 in coastal Peru. Of course what they mean is that 1604 is when Europeans first used the word. When we look at the key words associated with guano, the one most likely to share a meaning with guanaco is caves.

As I have pointed out, guanaco means brother or sister, not literally but figuratively, as in one who shares a cave.

Looking for a common root word for caves I looked at the Austronesian languages of southeast Asia, where the first peoples came from. In Malay, gua or guwa is cave and in Indonesian it is goa. We find the root word for cave, whether it was originally gua or guana, preserved in the Austronesian languages, going back 15,000 years, when the first peoples sailed across the Pacific Ocean and landed at Monte Verde, Chile. Interestingly, in Malay gu means "a yoke, a couple, a pair, fellows, mates." Gua and gu seem to share the same relationship in Malay as do guana and guanaco in ancient Amerind.

I am not yet clear why the Andean animal, the wilder cousin of the llama and alpaca, is called guanaco. My guess is that in the earliest times the name was given to all these large animals as a term of endearment. Perhaps some were domesticated that early and even shared the caves in Peru. In any case, this confirms a common root language between the Andes and Central America and the migration of the ancestors of the Central American people from South America.

The prevalence of the Lenca people in carrying the Guana oral tradition forward is shown by the name of the guanacaste tree and villages named Guanacaste throughout Lenca speaking areas. In contrast, the Ch'orti's call the guanacaste, 'conacaste'. I believe that guanacaste means "council of the brotherhood/sisterhood." These council meetings were often held under the great shade of the guanacaste (left), leading to the naming of the tree. The ceiba, another large tree, is used as the symbol of the world tree by Maya. One can't help but wonder if the Lenca used the guanacaste as their symbol of the world tree. It would add layers of meaning to the concept of the world tree.

Guana is a common place name fragment throughout the Americas, showing its continued use over thousands of years among many different language groups:

• Guanacaste province, Costa Rica
• Baia Guanabara, Brasil
• Guanajuato, Mexico
• Guancora River, El Salvador
• Guanaja Island, Honduras
• Guanabacoa, Cuba
• Guana Island, British Virgin Islands
• Guana Island, Antigua (also spelled Guiana)

This latter island is interesting - is the second spelling (Guiana) due to an European error or was it reflecting an inflection or change in the way that guana was pronounced over time? If the latter, then we must begin to see Guyana and possibly Guinea (Bissau), Guinea, Ghana, Equatorial Guinea, and Papau New Guinea all sharing in the name Guana - a name brought by ocean travellers who gave the highest honor "brother and sister" to the peoples that they met around the globe.

The term guanaco or at least guana also made it to Europe, starting in the Mediterranean. In Spanish we have the names Juan and Juana, which are clear derivatives of guana. The first peoples visited Europe, especially the Mediterranean, many times. The names Juan and Juana spread to many other languages in Europe and the Middle East. In most cases they are the most popular name, especially the male names. They still retain their original "brother" and "sister" ("of the same cave") meaning. No wonder that Brother John slips off the tongue so easily.

We have moved forward with the movement of the word guana. Now it's time to take a big step back. When researching this topic, I was surprised to be find a resort in South Africa called "Montagu Guana Cave Christian Guest Farm", located in the southwest of South Africa. Ignoring whatever a Christian Guest Farm is, consider the words "Guana Cave". There is a cave in South Africa called Guana, sharing a meaning found in Malay and throughout the Americas. The ancestors of the first peoples in the Americas, like the Austronesian peoples in Asia, left South Africa about 60,000 to 70,000 years ago. The word guana has been preserved for that many years, indicating a deliberate attempt on the part of the first peoples and their ancestors, to preserve key cultural artifacts from the old country, that is, Africa.

Moreover, this offers the strongest evidence yet for a living cultural link between South Africa and the first peoples in the Americas. Other evidence includes:

• Use of ultra long-distance running in both places
• Mining and use of red ochre (iron oxide) body and rock paint
• Clicking sounds in the languages (especially some Mayan languages)
• Potential references in the Popol Vuh to South Africa

Clearly for a Salvadoran to be called a guanaco is no small thing. In fact, figuring out the meaning of 'guanaco' helps answer some of the important questions of indigenous history in the Americas.

The Monte Verde Culture Heads Inland in Colombia

Nearly as old as the Monte Verde site in southern Chile and equally old as the Taima Taima and related sites in Venezuela are a series of sites, El Abra-Tocancipá high in the Andes mostly northeast of Bogotá. Just as the Monte Verde culture sailed counter clockwise around South America from Chile around the Cape of Magellan past Brazil and the Amazon to Venezuela, they continued on to the Caribbean coast of Colombia, went up the Magdalena River, and then by foot arrived to the altiplano. Comparing the proto-Ch'orti' language of Monte Verde with the place names of the Colombian sites confirms that these were the same people.

Earlier I confirmed that the Monte Verde people arrived by sea from Asia to southern Chile and that they lived in a broad area that included Bariloche, Argentina. They circumnavigated South America, with a group settling in Venezuela. Later, in about 9,000 or 8,500 BCE one group of these proto-Ch'orti' speakers would travel to El Salvador and then settle in the islands of the Gulf of Fonseca, the beginning of the Maya and Lenca identity. (español)

The Colombian sites are all located on the Andean altiplano with most about 50 kilometers northeast and one site about 25 kilometers west of Bogota. The Abra site near Tibitó is a series of caves and rock shelters at an altitude of 2,570 meters. The first settlement has been dated to 12,400 BCE, within a few hundred years of Monte Verde. Bone fragments come from mastadons, the American horse, and deer. Perhaps it was in pursuit of the horse that the early MonteVerdeans arrived to Tibitó. The horse became extinct in the Americas by 6,000 BCE, if not earlier. By the way, the horse is originally an American animal and made it to Asia, it is speculated, by crossing the Bering Strait during the last Ice Age. Another cave near Tocanpicá has tools that date to 11,000 BCE.

To the south, a site near Tequendama, near the Bogotá suburb of Soacha, also has tools from the same time period. Many of these were brought from the Magdalena River valley, 50 kilometers west. This shows additional proof for a close relationship with the Magdalena River.

Like the sites of Monte Verde, Bariloche, and Taima Taima, many of the place names surrounding these sites are from a proto-Ch'orti' language, demonstrating that it was all the same people in the various South America sites and that the Ch'orti' Maya language is the closest relative of the base language of all the South American indigenous languages. It also means that Ch'orti', the language closest to the holy language used at the classic era Mayan sites, is the closest relative of the language spoken in Asian by the people who crossed the Pacific. Let's look at the meanings of the place names in Ch'orti':

Tibitó - A contemporary village and site of an ancient rock shelter about 50 kilometers north of Bogotá and 70 kilometers east of the Magdalena River valley

Ti: in, on, within
Bitor: any kind of rounded crest

Or "within a rounded crest" which likely describes the rock shelter. The 'or' at the end was replaced by 'ó'. This is the only occurence of Tibitó.

Cajica - A contemporary village near the Tibitó site, with a very old name.

Ka'h: remembrance
Ik'ar: wind, breeze

Or "remembering wind", perhaps a breeze that reminded the settlers of Taima Taima or Monte Verde. This is the only occurence of Cajica.

Tocancipá - A contemporary small city near the Tibitó site.

Tok' - Breaking off, chipping, flint stone
K'an - need, desire
Sihb(p) - increase, swelling
Pa' - food

Not such a clear meaning, but could mean, "Chipping stone tools for need to increase food." This is a more abstract meaning than typical. Another possible mearning using different cognates is "breaking yellow sticks". This is the only occurence of Tocancipá.

Siria - A village just northeast of Tocancipá.

Sir - raising or lifting
Siri - lift up
Ah - one who

"One who is lifted up" or "anointed". There are five occurences of Siria in Latin America, three of which in Colombia. While some may be a modern reference to the country of Syria, it is more likely that all are based on this Ch'orti' word reserved for special people, those who are enlightened, those who discovered agriculture, etc.

Tequendama - A rock shelter and waterfall 25 kilometers west of Bogotá with tools dating back to about 11,000 BCE.

Ta - (locative)
Ker - separating
Tama - in, within, at

Or "separating to the interior". This likely signifies a new community distant from the previous base settlements. Tequendama is about 40 kilometers southwest of the earlier sites of El Abra and Tibitó. There are five occurences of Tequendama in Colombia and nowhere else in the world and each could signify a new settlement distant from previous settlements. One alternative meaning for Tequendama is base on the syllable quen, the only other Ch'orti' word similar is kene', which means banana. There is a slight chance this name refers to a plant or fruit, where the name was later used for bananas when they were introduced to Central America.

Soacha - A city, suburb of Bogotá, close to the site of Tequendama.

Sohi - bend, curve
Ch'a' - horizontal, lying down
Cha' - two, second

"Horizontal curve" or "two curves/bends". Soacha is not an exact match so it is possible it is not proto-Ch'orti' in origin. This is the only occurence of Soacha.

Chusacá - A contemporary village close to Tequendama and Soacha.

Ch'u - anything hanging, hanging fruit
Chu' - breast, milk, milky sap
Saka - white seed

"Hanging white seed" or "Sappy white seed". These are consistent meanings. This could refer to the pitaya, pitahaya, chirimoya, or platonia. There were several white fruits in northern South America. This is the only occurence of Chusacá, but there is a Chusacay in Peru.

While other early settlements of the First Peoples are all coastal, the Colombian ones are in the interior. How did they get there? The common wisdom among anthropologists and archeologists is that they walked overland from the north across the Darien Strait from Central America. However, there are no other settlements for thousands of miles to the north from the same time period, placing this assumption in doubt.

I think that the arrival to the Abra Valley of Colombia was primarily by ocean, just like Taima-Taima in Venezuela. The Magdalena River (right) is key. It is navigable for hundreds of kilometers starting at Barranquilla on the Caribbean coast to the high altiplano in the south of the country. It is easily navigable to Honda, directly west of the Abra Valley. The first inhabitants traveled counterclockwise around South America, whether originating from Monte Verde or from Taima-Taima is not clear. They may have reached the Darien Strait and then turned backed to the first major river and went upstream. Likely from Honda they left the boats and climbed up straight east to the altiplano, settling in the desirable Abra Valley.

Like Taima-Taima and Monte Verde, the first peoples of Colombia spoke an archaic form of Ch'orti' Maya, based on the place names. Today many Macro-Carib speakers live in the altiplano, with some neighboring Chibchan speakers. The Chibchan arrived at a later time from Central America. It is clear that they were formed at about the same time as the Maya and Lenca in the Gulf of Fonseca. It is most likely that the Abra Valley is the source of the Macro-Carib languages. Earlier I had speculated that El Jobo, Venezuela, might be the source, but the Abra Valley seems much more likely.

Names of Mars May Provide a Clue of Pacific Journey by the Pre-Mayas

The name for Mars shares a common source across much of the Mediterranean and south Asian world. In most cases, the name for Mars starts with the syllable 'ma' and often it contains the letter 'r'. It is hard to know how the name spread, but some examples are a little surprising, like Malay. And its spread was not universal. For example, in Tamil the name 'servaai' comes from a different root and in Sumerian the name for Mars is simud.

Language Malaysian Nepali Sanskirt Persian Hebrew ancient Egyptian Turkish Greek Roman Spanish

Name for Mars Marikh Maja Mangala Bahram Ma'adim Harmakhis Merih Ares Mars Marte

Neolithic humans had special relationships with a number of stars and planets, including Sirius, Venus, and Jupiter. But at least one group of neolithic humans, the pre-Mayas - and by definition the pre-Lencas, figured out a very special characteristic of Mars: its cycle (synodic period) was 780 days, which is divisible by 20, the counting base that they used.

This meant that it took 39 20-day weeks, on average, for Mars to make one complete cycle - 780 days for it to repeat as a rising star, 780 days for it to repeat as a morning star, 780 days for it to repeat its retrograde (backward) motion compared to the stars behind it. The pre-Mayas assigned god status to Mars because the synodic period was evenly divisible by 20, the number of fingers and toes of humans.

Mars was the basis of the first pre-Mayan calendar and as such, was a very important heavenly body. Specifically, the 260-day tzolkin calendar is based on the synodic period of Mars. There are three 260-day periods within the 780-day Mars cycle. And there are twenty 13-day weeks within the tzolkin. At some point the pre-Mayas switched from 20-day weeks to 13-day weeks - most likely when ocean fishing became common between 8000 BC and 6000 BC and they noticed that the tidal diurnal range (difference between high and low tides) repeated every 13 to 14 days along Central America's Pacific coast.

The pre-Mayas, who were astute planet watchers, began to notice that when Mars turned retrograde near the Milky Way, in Scorpio in the tropical zodiac, it occurred earlier in the tzolkin than when it turned retrograde elsewhere in the sky. Every 15 to 17 solar years Mars turned retrograde near or in the Milky Way. They tracked the earliest day of Mars retrograde and found that it occurred one day earlier than the previous earliest date about every 40 to 60 solar years (averaging 52 years during that time period). This became the basis for the Mars long-count calendar. It took about 1000 tzolkin years or 670 solar years for the Mars calendar to cycle backward through each 13-day week. And it will take almost 12,000 years for it to make one complete backward cycle through the tzolkin.

Today it is easy to explain this phenomena by noticing that the Mars synodic period is slightly less than 780 days. During the neolithic era it was 779.96 days. Then due to a change in either Mars' or earth's orbit, declined to about 779.94 days sometime around 500 BC. This change in the synodic period caused the Mars calendar to cycle through each 13-day week in only about 450 years, throwing off the accuracy of the calendar in measuring time over thousands of years. Thus it caused the Mayas to abandon the Mars long-count calendar and to adopt the solar-based long-count calendar that is well-recorded in Mayan writing.

Very early in the pre-Mayan experience Mars became important and became part of the spirituality, as did the center of the galaxy, what seems to be a hole or void. In fact, it is a black hole. So important is the center of galaxy that one of the four founders of the Mayan people is named for the spot, Balam Ik', which means 'wind jaguar' or 'void jaguar'. Ik' is the same word to describe the center of the galaxy. The galaxy was known as a tree by the Mayas. The symbol or glyph of the day sign Ik' is a 'T' or tree of life.

The language tells us a lot, in Ch'orti', the oldest Mayan language. In Ch'orti' mar means 'open space'; te means 'tree'. So marte is the open space in the tree and refers to the void in the galaxy. As noted in the table above, marte is Mars in Spanish.

Two other clues support the arrival of the word Mars to the Middle East/Mediterranean. The first is a linguistic clue: the prefix 'mal' in Latin. It would appear that 'mal' (bad or evil) came directly with 'mar' (Mars). Just as now, Mars also had negative connotations in many early Middle Eastern and European astrologies. The arrival of 'ma' or 'mal' seems to have arrived with the Maya. In Ch'orti' ma is a negative prefix; ma uh means 'evil'. The Mayas associated layers of meanings to words based on the meanings of words that sounded like that word. In this case, Mars gained a negative sense because of sounding like the word for 'bad' or 'evil'.

The second clue comes from the zodiac symbol for Aries in Sumer-Babylonian. Mars is the ruler of Aries. The name of Aries in Sumer is Hun.ga. In English Aries signifies a Ram. However, in Sumer Aries signifies "the Agrarian Worker". Among the Quiche Maya, the first founder is Masa Manix or Artisan Deer. Manix also translates, in Ch'orti', as Agrarian Worker or, literally, "worker of the earth". It is not a stretch to believe that Masa Manix is associated with Mars, as both parts of the name begin with the same syllable as Mars.

The last step in making the case that the name Mars has a Mayan origin is to show that the Maya were traveling across the Pacific ocean at this time. The full case for Mayan ocean travel will be taken up in a later post. I have no doubt that the pre-Mayas were crossing the Pacific by 3000 BC if not before. It caused one group of pre-Mayas to migrate to Peru where the ocean currents were better.

The Maya and Lenca Establish Atlantic Bases

The Quiche Mayas were forced to leave El Salvador in about 2300 BC and by 2000 BC the Ch'orti Mayas at Lago Güija and Lago Coatepeque were anxious to expand beyond their El Salvador home. The Ch'ortis, like the neighboring Lencas and Tehuacanos (Zapotecs), had been sailing the Pacific Ocean for over a thousand years.

But an Atlantic ocean base was needed in order to better explore the four corners of the world. The Ch'ortis had been trading with local people in northern Belize already and it was an easy decision to send an expansion group north to the Corozal Bay, to the site known as Santa Rita. A few hundred years later they sent a much larger expansion group north which began to build the El Mirador site and soon many other sites in the area. Those who went north mixed with the local population and soon the Yucatec or Maya language began to develop. [Click to enlarge the map.]

The Lencas based at Lago Olomega in southeast El Salvador had the same need. They simply went straight north and followed the Ulua River to the coast. There they founded the site of Travesia and from that base explored the Atlantic Ocean extensively. This was the beginning of separation of the El Salvador Lenca language and Honduran Lenca language.

The Atlantic Ocean currents would naturally carry the Ch'orti and Lenca rafts and reed boats north and east around Cuba and then northeast into the North Atlantic. Then a southward current would take them close to the Spanish or West Africa coast. The current from West Africa would take them directly back to Travesia or Santa Rita.

A significant group of Lencas moved about 250 kilometers west to the Mexico-Guatemala border region. Here they founded sites that came to be known as Izapa, Paso de la Amada, La Blanca, Ocos, and El Mesak. A few hundred years later Lencas from Travesia, Olomega, and the Izapa region moved to the Gulf coast area of Veracruz, Mexico, and founded the Olmec civilization. They took with them the name of Olomega (Olomeka) and much of what they learned in their travels of both the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.

The Tehuacanos, like the Lencas, trace lineage to Balam Akbar. They lived on one of the four original Mesoamerican island civilizations, Teocan, at the mouth of the Lempa River. One of the double meanings of Teocan is 'island of wild vegetation' or 'monte'. Anyone who has spent much time in that region, the Bajo Lempa, can understand why it would be called that. The 'Monte' descriptor in Spanish becomes a trace clue in guessing where they moved to. It appears they moved from Isla Montecristo to Monte Alto in southeast Guatemala, and soon would move to the Oaxaca Valley of Mexico to found San José Mogote and Monte Alban. There they would become known as the Zapotecs.

While all the expansion continued, the base of operations for the Mayas continued to be western El Salvador at the two new sites of Chalchuapa and San Andrés.

Tracing the Mesoamericans’ Travel through Names and Spirituality

The Mesoamerican people were travelers. They made balsa rafts from the balsa trees that grow along El Salvador’s La Libertad coast. They constructed reed boats from the reeds along the Torola River. They made dugout canoes, including large catamaran canoes for ocean-faring. They traveled to nearly every continent, and nearly every major river.

They went first of all to know the four corners of the earth, to know the beauty of the earth. Second, they went to share their knowledge of agriculture, earth’s bounty. Third, they also went to share their science and their spirituality, which for them was inseparable. And these were not things that could be forced on anyone, since that was contradictory of the spirituality itself.

In order to find the traces of the Mayans-Mesoamericans, one can look for at least four things:

• Place names, especially islands, since they were the most sacred places. I will look along coast lines and rivers, since that is how they traveled. I will be looking at lakes, mountains, and towns. For one example, a town with a Mayan name along the Rhine River.
• Examples of sea-faring people that would otherwise seem to be an anomaly. Other legends or stories of mysterious sea-faring people. For example, the Lukka people in the Mediterranean Sea in about 1200 to 1000 BC.
• The names of fruits and vegetables, especially outside the sphere of the well-know agricultural societies. For example, the name of the cranberry will have significance in Ch’orti’ Maya.
• Vestiges of the Mayan-Mesoamerican science and spirituality. In order to trace this, I will need to describe in more detail what it consisted of. It would be better that a Mayan, Lenca, or Zapotec leader do this, but I will do my best to outline it.

Early Mayan – Mesoamerican Spirituality

While there are many great books on Mayan and Mesoamerican spirituality, I wish to take the approach of trying to determine the key points to the spirituality by 2000 BC, that is before most of their expansion throughout Mesoamerica and before most of their travels around the globe on their ocean-faring rafts. The major exception is their travel and establishment of a community on the coast of Peru in about 3500 BC or 3000 BC.

I will use Mayan in this description, but these things would hold true for all Mesomerican groups, such as Lenca, Zapotec, Olmec, etc. Most of this early spirituality is identified in the Popol Vuh, the Mayan holy book:

• Four Original Leaders. There were four original civilizing families or bands that led the Mesoamerican people to greatness. Three came out of the jaguar room of the Xibalba cave and one came out of the bat room. Two other families came out of the bat room but they decided not to join the Mayan-Mesoamerican way of life. The four Mesoamerican leaders were Balam Kitze, Balam Akbar, Balam Ik’, and Maza Manix. They are revered above all ancestors and remembered in all things.

• Three Gifts from the Gods in the East. The Mayans received three gifts from the gods, Tohil, Hacawitz, and Auilix. These were tobacco, which kept people from starving; flint stone from Mount Usulután, which allowed them to make fire during the cold of the last of the Ice Age; and a collapsible raft which allowed them to cross rivers and streams. These were usually called three separate gods but at times were also called a three-fold god. The Mayan people survived to become the people they were only due to these three gifts from the east of El Salvador.

• Looking to the East to Remember their Founding. The early people survived years in the wilderness and then were able to cross the sea as the sea descended due to the last mini Ice Age and make it to the islands in the Golfo de Fonseca. They settled on an island they named 'Balam' (Isla Tigre). This is where they built a tower in honor of the first jaguar leaders and where they founded their spirituality of remembering the three gods who gave them the gifts to survive in the wilderness. Once they left Isla Tigre they went west and always lived west of Isla Tigre. They never failed to look east to remember where they became a people.

• The Leader whose Death Led to the Liberation of the People. One Hunahpu was a great early leader of the Quiche, I believe in about 7500 BC. He was one of the first astronomers and tracked the Mars cycle in the sky. Using the 260-day tzolkin and the Mars retrograde long-count calendar, he became good at predicting when Mars would turn retrograde when it was nearing the center of the galaxy at its retrograde cycle. He challenged their enemies that he could name the day of the retrograde motion and in return, the Mayan people would be free from the constant threat of the Xibalba lords. Unfortunately he was wrong and he was killed, his head place on a tree at the crossroads. But through his mistake later astronomers, such as Ixbalamque, were able to predict Mars motion and was able to once and for all defeat the Xibalba lords. One Hunahpu is revered as the ideal of sacrificing oneself for the good of the people, whether actual or symbolic.

• Supreme Being at the Center of the Galaxy. The orbit of Mars was elongated by the dense gravity along the elliptic formed by the center of the galaxy, causing Mars’ retrograde to occur on the earliest possible date when that retrograde happened at the hole, the void, at the center of the galaxy. This spot, which we now know to be a massive black hole, is where the Supreme Being resides. The Mesoamericans commune with the Supreme Being through a sweat bath – a “bath” of steam and incense.

• Mother Earth or ix (pronounced ‘ish’). There is a reverence for the earth which allows itself to be broken open so that life – corn, beans, squash, and cacao – can spring out.

• The 20 day signs and the Mars long-count calendar. The Mayans had a base 20 counting system and a 260-day calendar that consisted of 20 weeks of 13 days each. In addition there were calendars to track Mars, Venus, and the lunar cycles, including an eclipse cycle. The Mars long-count calendar was a way to keep track of thousands of years – it would take nearly 700 years, and over 900 tzolkins, for this calendar to pass through one sign of 13 days.

• Water, Rainbow, and the Serpent. Water has significance since the time of the escape from the cave and the people fled north to the Torola River. Their pursuers, the Xibalbans or Xibahkhans, could not swim and the people were safe. Those that stepped into the water, that immersed themselves, were saved. Xibahkha means ‘men afraid of water’. One of the four islands that the Mesoamerican people settled on was called Tammakchan, or 'deep inside the rainbow'. It was in Lago Coatepeque, a crater lake in western El Salvador. Makchan or 'rainbow' in Ch'orti' means "serpent that blocks" or "stops up" (the rain or the Xibahkha attacks). Both the rainbow and the serpent are associated with rain and with security. The rainbow also came to be symbolized by the plumed or feathered serpent.

• Pyramids. The Mesoamericans gained access to flint stone on a volcano, Mount Usulután, provided by the god Hacawitz. Flint stone provided fire as well as being a cutting tool. Along with the jaguar, the earliest spiritual buildings took the form of a volcano. At times the volcanoes were represented with a flat top and at other times with a more pointed top. Ceremonies involving symbolic cutting or fire were typical on a pyramid to remember the gift from Hacawitz.

• The Flood. One of the four Mesoamerican islands was at the mouth of the Rio Lempa. The oceans rose following the last of the Ice Age. In particular the flood and tsunami event of about 6400 BC when Lake Agassiz drained into the oceans may have caused the island of Teokan, founded by Balam Ik', to have been wiped out. The Mesoamericans always remembered this founder and re-established a community at the mouth of the Lempa.

• Obsession with Pure Blood. The early Mayan leader One Hunahpu intermarried with another race. Many hundreds - thousands - of years later, his descendants, the Quiches, were the first to suffer from pellegra, a deadly niacin deficiency. The other Mesoamerican groups wrongly blamed the earlier inter-racial marriage as the cause, when in fact it was caused by over reliance on untreated corn. The Quiches were banished, starting tension and conflict, and an obsession with pure blood started. This obsession was shared with many of the people that the Mesoamericans visited.