The Indigenous History of El Salvador

Torom, a Siberian Origin for America's Indigenous

Far southeastern Siberia, along the Pacific Coast (Sea of Okhotsk), holds the names which reveal the group, the “remnant” in their terminology, which broke away and was the principal founding group of the Americas, initially settling in southern California and the south of Chile. This story centers on the Torom and Chumikan region, which is located 450 kilometers west of the tip of Sakhalin Island, which lies just north of Japan. Torom and Chumikan also are about 4,500 kilometers from Taiwan, whose fate they are tied to by this story. Chumikan is roughly on the same latitude as Moscow, but about 7,000 kilometers east.

Like the ancestors on Taiwan, the ancestors around Torom and Chumikan spoke Mi, the ancient human language, common going back to Africa. Most of the relevant place names are the plentiful rivers in this region. The place names can be categorized in four groups:

• Those recalling the migration out of Africa approximately 65000 BCE and the move from Yemen, it would seem, to eastern Siberia
• Those describing gaining the capability to sail in the ocean and control the water
• The rise to power of a repressive series of rulers
• The break-away of a group of sailors to gain freedom from the repressive rulers.

The major river of southeastern Siberian that drains into the Pacific at Chumikan is the Maya River. During the last few kilometers at the mouth it is called the Uda. Uda is uh ta’ in Mi or “remnant of the sacred (shaman).” This seems to be a reference to the small group of humans who crossed the Red Sea at Djibouti into Yemen 65,000 years ago, characterized by the genetic haplogroup m mtDNA. There are several references that this group included the shaman of the time, as opposed to the group that followed the Nile River out of Africa (n mtDNA). Among these references are Djibouti, chi bo uh ti, “shaman at the opening of the large hole (Red Sea joining the Indian Ocean).”

The name Maya is mah yah and means “pain from the badness,” using language that matches that of Ethiopia and parts of Kenya. It is a reference to the pain that people ran from in the Great Lakes of Africa region as they left Africa 65,000 years ago. The name Maya River, of course, was carried over into the Americas among one of the most important remnants of the shaman, the Maya. The alternate spelling “Mayan” also has meaning: ma ya an is “run from the pain of the badness.”

Two other names describe some of the region’s geography and people. Lake Bokon is a small lake 70 kilometers southwest of Chumikan. The name Bokon has two meanings, both based on bo ok’ k’o on. One translation is “hole of the ancestors who broke away from the blades,” referring to those who left the cutting (circumcising) blades of Africa. A second translation is “hole split open by the teeth of the previous era (glaciers),” describing how the lake was formed.

The town of Nelkan, Russia, is located 420 kilometers north of Chumikan. The name describes a distinct group of people. It is neh hel ka an and means “similar ones runners of the tail at the beginning.” “Similar ones” was one way of describing a different ethnicity. “Runners of the tail” was language often used to describe those who left Africa by following the Nile River (n mtDNA group according to genetics).

Remembering the ancestors who escaped out of Africa to Yemen

At least 11 place names recall those who migrated out of Africa about 65,000 years ago. These are probably the first among the names to be named. Perhaps the most important of these names is the Dzhana River. In Mi it is ta’ tza an nap, meaning “remnant of those who forgot the lake runners” or, more directly, ta' Sana - “remnant from Sana’a.” This suggests that the southeast Siberia remnant came directly Sana’a, Yemen, to Siberia. Sana’a itself means “forget the runners at the shining (lake),” referring to the runners at the Great Lakes whose repressive measures led to the migration of groups out of Africa (as well as to West Africa). This makes it likely that the southeast Siberia remnant arrived there not too long after their ancestors had left Africa, i.e. did not go to Iran, India, or other places that portions of the m mtDNA group went to.

The Elgondzha and Kurun Uryak Rivers describe the repression at the Great Lakes of Africa. Kurun Uryak is k’ur un ur ya ak’ and means “explain the pain in the skin of the penis/vagina to the youth.” In Ch’orti’ Mi, k’ur can mean either penis or vagina. This name seems explicitly to be referring to both male and female circumcision (female genital mutilation). This is collaborated by similar names, especially in West Africa. It also makes it clear that the story of the repression and pain from the Great Lakes of Africa was passed on to new generations. The Maya practice of bloodletting from the penis could be a way to remember those ancestors who were circumcised against their will in Africa. In a similar way, the name Kovakh describes forced circumcision. In is k’o ba ak’ and means “blades on the skin of the body.” This terminology – “blades on the skin of the body” shows up among all the groups who fled from the Kenya region at the time – not just those who crossed the Red Sea but also those who fled up the Nile and those who fled to West Africa. It is this consistency which is the strongest clue that these names refer to the migration out of Africa.

Elgondzha is hel k’o on ta tz’a or “similar to the teeth (blades) from the lake of the ancestor remnant.” This name seems to have been named by the dissident group that included those who broke away for the Americas. It mentions the blades that the ancestors in Africa had to endure but then compares it to their present repression, a theme to be repeated in other names.

Two names describe breaking away from the repression at the great lakes of Africa. Chogdon is cho ok’ to on and means “esteemed ancestors split away from the sacrifices.” While this could refer to those who left the area for the Americas, the use of “ancestors” makes it likely to refer to those who left Africa. Gasandzha is k’as an tz’a and means “breaking off from the runners at the shiny.” The expression “runners at the shiny (lakes)” is used frequently to describe the first modern humans in Africa. In fact it is the name of the San who had earlier fled for Botswana. Gasandzha is constructed in such a way that there is no possible alternative meaning.

Five names of rivers in southeastern Siberia describe the crossing of the Red Sea on the way from Africa to Yemen: Tyubetinka, Tutkandya, Tutkanchan, Mogocha, and Tylyakachan. Tyubetinka is ti uh bet ti in ka and means “opening for the first sacred ones in the pouring (tides) at the opening at the beginning.” This name describes a beginning event involving the first sacred ones – i.e. shaman. Bet – “pouring” – is a phrase which commonly referred to tides. The name - "opening in the pouring" - could describe a lessening of the waves as the first shaman crossed the Red Sea at the place it opens to the Indian Ocean.

The next three names describe two persons who died on the rafts that crossed the Red Sea. Tutkandya is tu ut ka an ti ha and means “corpses in the water current opening at the beginning.” Tutkanchan is tu ut ka an cha an and means “two corpses while running the opening of the water current at the beginning.” Mogocha is mo ok’ k’o och cha and means “two trapped and split open on the teeth at the entrance.” Mogocha describes more specifically what happened to the two who died in the Red Sea. The syllable och or “entrance” in Mogocha describes more specifically where in the Red Sea the shaman crossed. Finally, Tylyakachan is ti il ya ka cha an and means “pain for the two seen in the current at the opening at the beginning.”

Learning to sail and controlling the coast

Several names indicate that the ancient people at the Sea of Okhotsk coast at Chumikan learned how to sail in the sea. Elkagan River is hel ka ak’ an and means “similar to the coverings (rafts) on the current at the beginning,” seeming to refer to the rafts used to cross the Red Sea in about 65000 BCE. The Ikee River is ik’ k’er and means “gashing the wind,” which may be an expression for sailing.

Without a doubt learning to sail came at the cost of failure and submersion in the sea. The name Nemerikan River describes the failure that came with learning to sail. It is neh em mer ri ik’ k’a an and means “tail (river) beside those who descended due to failure of satisfactory wind on the current.” The lack of wind was perhaps a bigger problem than too much wind. Linguistically it is hard not to see “Nemerikan” as the precursor to “American,” a name likely given by these same people on the sailing trip from Asia to the Americas in about 12800 BCE. Like Nemerikan, American refers to sailing.

The first ones to sail taught more how to sail. The Ulgirikan River is ul k’i ir ri ik’ an and means “dear one explains how to see satisfactory wind beside on the current.” Nemerikan describes the problem of slack winds while Ulgirikan describes to how to spot the signs of slack wind in order to avoid it. Similarly, the Pargaul River is par k’a ul and means “explain the satisfying lattice (rafts).”

The Sonki River is so on ki and means “dear ancestors on the curves (sails),” probably named at some later date commemorating the first sailors. At the same time Sonki may be paying homage to the first ancestors who left the Great Lakes 65,000 years ago. It could also mean “dear ancestors from the curve (Lake Victoria).” “Curve” is used to describe Lake Victoria elsewhere.

The sailors gained proficiency. Tyl River is ti il and means “see the opening.” While this is somewhat vague, one possible meaning is that when the Okhotsk sailors gained the ability to sail greater distances they saw the opening of the Bay of Okhotsk into the Pacific Ocean. The name Dzhegdak is somewhat awkward, indicating it was meant to share two meanings. The first meaning is a clear reference to the ancestors who left Africa 65,000 years ago. It is tze ek’ ta’ ak’ and means “star remnant from the skin by the upright.” Each of these four words were key words in describing the migration out of Africa. Star remnant refers to the group of leaders who were discerning meaning in the stars in Africa. The name Ik’ – Sky – comes from this time period. The upright were the tall ones in Africa who forcibly cut the skin – circumcised. But Dzhegdak also has a meaning related to sailing: “remnant under stars with upright covering,” where upright covering refers to the sail on the sail raft. It indicates that they mastered sailing at night time.

Chumikan, today the principal town on this portion of Okhutsk Sea, describes the power that came with the ability to sail the ocean. Chumikan was likely the center of power in ancient days. Chumikan is chu mi ik’ ka an and means “beginning of guardians of the cats by wind current.”

Repression of the controller

Several river names in the broader Chumikan area indicate that a repressive ruler came to power, most likely basing their power on the newfound ability to sail the seas. The name Chumikan indicates that it was the seat of power. The Barbash River is ba ar bas and means “the time of the bound bodies.” It has a double meaning of “boats,” linking the bound bodies to the time of the boats in the sea. Chagidak is chak’ k’i ta ak’ and means “red-skin remains of the dear ones,” describing the bloody remains of those who were killed. Double meanings are “two” and “dry” indicating that two people were killed, on land. The use of chak’ (red) might link the killings to the planet Mars.

The Yasmal River is ya as ma al, meaning “the time of pain from the practices of the bad ones.” Yasmal has two double meanings: “crush (ya’tz’),” indicating the method of killing, and “sea,” linking the killing to those who controlled the sea. To the west of Chumikan is the Tupik River. Tupik is tu pi ik’, meaning “corpse of the wind companion,” indicating the death of a sailing companion. Ik’ is also a throwback to the leader who was slain back in Africa prior to the migration across the Red Sea about 65,000 years ago.

The Malyy Nyuman River is ma al li ni uh ma an and means “the time of being beside the bad one, the sacred ones (shaman) run to the hills from the bad.” A double meaning here is “knobs in the sea”: this name seems to reference the group that left to go to the islands in the sea – in fact, to the Americas. The Chumavra River is chu ma ab ra in Mi and means “tired of the swinging of the bad guardian.” This name, by ending with “ra”, borrows language from the out of Africa migration – “tired of the …” – to link the migration of those who would become the (main) Native American founders to the migration of their ancestors from Africa to Asia.

Escape to the Americas

Torom is the second largest town in the region, about 40 kilometers southeast of Chumikan. Its name suggests that it was the center of the dissidents who left for the Americas. Torom is toh or ro’ om and means “free from the sacrifices of the leaders at the foam (ocean),” indicating that the name likely comes from the time that the sail rafts left for the Americas. In contrast is the name Aldan, far away from Torom, on the other side of Chumikan. It may have been named by people more sympathetic to the Chumikan rulers but still references those who left. It is al ta an and means, “time of the remnant of runners.”

The river names Taykan and Algykan, south of Torom, both talk about the portion, a remnant, leaving by sail boat. In both cases the names recall the African leader, Ik’, whose death inspired the migration out of Africa about 65,000 years ago. Taykan is ta’ ik’ ka an and means “beginning of the remnant in the wind on the current.” “Wind on the current” seems like a very clear reference to sailing. The same set of four syllables has a double meaning of “remnant of Ik’ running at the beginning,” referring to the African leader Ik’. Algykan is al k’i ik’ ka an in Mi, or “time of the beginning of the dear ones on the wind in the current” – almost identical to Taykan. It also has a double meaning, “the time of the dear one Ik’ running at the beginning,” also referring to their dear ancestor Ik’.

The name of the river Malaya Chumanyara summarizes well why the remnant group left. The two parts of the name can be translated separated: ma al la ya or “the time of being tired of the pain from the bad ones.” This name borrows from the language of the retreat out of Africa, culturally linking the move out of Africa to the move to the Americas. Malaya also recalls the Maya River to the west, which was later to give its name to the Maya people. Chumanyara is chu ma an ya ar ra in Mi and means “time of running from being tired of the pain from the bad guardians.” Bad guardians refers to the bad rulers – those based at Chumikan, which is referenced in the name. The name Chumanyara carries a riddle – because they are tired (of the pain) they run, rather than being tired from running.

A number of names clearly place the break-away group or remnant on the water of Okhotsk Bay and, therefore, the Pacific Ocean. Utannak River is uh ta an ak’, meaning “remnant of the sacred on the covering(s) in the current.” I believe that “covering” refers to rafts although it is not clear. Utannak also borrows from language used by those migrating out of Africa by way of the Red Sea and Yemen. The Ambardak River is am bar ta ak’ in Mi and means “the remnant spidering on the lattice (raft) with covering.” Spidering is an example of how Mi syllables can be a noun or verb. In this case spidering is any traveling that involves the arms, such as canoeing or sailing. The use of am in this names leaves little doubt that the escaping remnant took sail rafts. The lattice with a covering seems to describe a raft with a shade support and sail. Bar is used elsewhere among very early names as the primary word for “boat” or “raft”.

The Sokhatyy River, to the west, is also a Mi name. It is so ok’ k’at ti, meaning “broke away crossing the opening on the arches (sails).” The opening would seem to be the Okhotsk Bay, while arches (so) was a common phrase for “sails” in South America. The Gatkan River is a simple name for the journey of the remnant. It is k’at kah an and means “beginning of crossing the current.”

The Ulirindya River, with its peculiar construction, is a key name, describing how the people on the Okhotsk Bay had found another group of people along the coast. The Ulirindya River is ul li ir in nat ya in Mi and means “explain seeing distant first ones in pain beside.” The name also says that the ones they found were suffering in pain like they were – suffering from a bad guardian. This is consistent with the story from place names on Taiwan. The Ulirindya would have been named prior to the departure of the Torom remnant but it provides the possibility that the people at Torom were familiar with Taiwan, providing the basis for the Torom remnant to detour to Taiwan before making the turn back north along Japan and then to the Aleutian islands.

Why would the escaping Torom remnant have wanted to go to Taiwan before trying to reach a new place further northeast? I can think of only one reason: the Torom remnant left in a hurry and could not take a sufficient number of women. Perhaps taking additional Torom women would have put the whole escape at risk. So a decision was made to grab several more women from Taiwan, the only other occupied place they knew about along the Pacific coast. The meaning of the names along the Amis coast of Taiwan speak about leaders/men coming by sail craft and taking Amis persons with them. The genetics of Native people in the Americas show the presence of females from Taiwan or Southeast Asia (B mtDNA), but no male genes from that region. In fact, there is no other convincing way to explain that the B mtDNA genes made it to the Americas. Even today there is only a minute presence of this haplogroup in Siberia and northeast Asia.

After the Torom remnant left, those who stayed went to search for them. Likely the ones searching were part of the ruling group at Chumikan. The Malyy Dzagdagin River is mal li ti sak’ ta’ chi in and means “searching for remnant of first ones in the large opening of the sea.” There are two double meanings in this name: “bad” and “turtle”. “Bad” seems to be a recognition of the Chumikan leaders that it was their badness which caused the remnant to leave. “Turtle” could be a reference to viewing the earth as a turtle and the remnant moving along the edge of the turtle in their sail rafts. Similarly, the Gassakan River is k’as sak’ an, meaning “search for those who broke away and ran.”

Finally, the name of the Sea of Okhotsk itself provides evidence of a search for the runaway remnant. Okhotsk is ok’ k’ot sak’ in Mi and means “search for the arrival point of the splitters (break-aways).” Given that the name of the sea is Okhotsk, it seems plausible that the extent of the Sea of Okhotsk was the range of the search party.

From Taiwan, the combined Siberian-Taiwanese group likely went along Japan and then the islands to Kamchatka peninsula. On the east side of Kamchatka they may have found the Aleutian Islands to Alaska and from there the coast of North America. One group stayed in California at the Channel Islands while the primary group went on to southern Chile where they became the primary origin group for most of the indigenous in the Americas.

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Prehistoric Human Migration in the Americas

This post will describe the history of human movement in the Americas from about 13000 BCE – and perhaps 20000 BCE – until the time of European colonization. There were at least five passages to the Americas from Asia: the Monte Verde, Amerind, or Clovis passage of about 13000 BCE, the “Zuni” passage of unknown time, the “Algonquin” passage of about 7600 BCE, the Na-Dene (Athabaska, etc.) passage of 8000-4000 BCE, and the Inuit passage of about 1000 CE.

The Monte Verde / Clovis Migration

The Monte Verde passage went directly to Monte Verde, Chile. Due to the distances involved, the passage must have been by raft. Most likely the rafts hugged the shore, stopping for fresh water and food along the way. But there is no archeological or linguistic evidence of long stops along the way or migrations from the stops. Given that the original passage probably only had sufficient people for one successful settlement, it also would not have been practical to send off migration parties. The passage passed up many desirable locations and continued to the south of Chile, probably due to the inquisitive nature of the group, wishing to see the entire continental coastal expanse.

The Monte Verde passage was most likely from northeast Asia with some female members from Taiwan or southeast China. At least some of the members of the passage party, the Taiwanese women, spoke proto-Ch'orti', the root language of all Amerind languages, although in most cases too much time has passed to make the trace back to proto-Ch'orti'.

After a few generations, the population grew and migrating parties went to northern Venezuela and to central Colombia. Somewhat later other migrations went to northern Chile, the interior of Brazil, the far south of Chile, and northern Peru. [Click to enlarge map.]

 

At least two migrations went from South America –most likely Chile – to North America before 9000 BCE. The Chumash were probably the first going north by sail raft along the coast to settle in the Channel Islands of southern California. The Chumash spoke proto-Ch'orti' when they migrated, with their name in Ch'orti', chu’ max, meaning "breasts in the hollow," an archaic description of the Channel Islands, breast-islands in the hollow of the ocean. The Chumash migrated north sometime between 12200 and 11800 BCE.

The second migration north likely first went south around the tip of Argentina, then counter-clockwise around South America. The party either explored the Amazon or were already familiar with it, based on later place names. They continued to the Caribbean islands, following them, most likely, to the coast of Florida until reaching the mouth of the Mississippi River. They followed the Mississippi to the Missouri, until present-day South Dakota. Dakota is tak k'ot tah in Ch'orti' or "arrive to the dry forest" (Black Hills). This migration was the Clovis people, also known as the Lakota or Siouxian ancestors, as well as a few other Native nations. This migration happened in about 11600 to 11200 BCE.

There may have been other migrations from South America to North America between 11000 and 9000 BCE, resulting in the Salishan (British Colombia and Washington) and the Pomo people (California). Alternately the Pomo may be related to the Chumash.

Likely the only migration from South America to Central America or Mexico took place in about 8680 BCE, when four rafts landed in El Salvador, soon encountering the Xibalba. The Maya culture was developing on Isla Tigre, Honduras, but a crisis led to two splinter groups heading south and east, the Chibcha and Miskito, in about 8300 BCE. By 8200 BCE the Maya moved to live in four locations in El Salvador.

Between 7700 BCE and 7600 BCE several related migrations took place from El Salvador to North America. The first of these was the Ohlone and Miwok to the San Francisco Bay region. The second were the Iroquois and the Missouri to northeast Canada to prepare conditions and protect the Algonquin. The third was the Algonquin, a group of elite Maya that also included an Asian migration group. At some later time two small groups of the Algonquin sailed to California.

The next migration was the Otomi-Zapotec move from coastal El Salvador to the highlands of Puebla, Mexico, in about 7000 BCE. Their homes were being wiped out from the rising ocean.

After stability among the Maya from 7000 - 2400 BCE, major upheaval rocked the Maya world from 2400-1700 BCE, with successive waves of forced migrations from El Salvador due to the pellagra crisis. This resulted in the Huasteca, Totonac, Yucatec, and Ulua migrating up along the Atlantic Coast. And the Quiche, Purepecha, Olmeca, Xinca, Kanjobal, and the Mam migrating up along the Pacific Coast. The Olmeca soon crossed over to the opposite Gulf Coast.

In addition, smaller splinter groups broke off from these migrations, most likely due to recurring pellagra, resulting in groups in southern California, the Rio Grande area, and the Gulf Coast, including the Choctaw and Alabama.

A later migration of Nawat speakers from the central Mexico region to northern Mexico and the US Southwest, likely refugees from either Toltec or Aztec repression, took place between 1000 and 1500 CE. This includes all Uto-Aztec speakers, including the Shoshone and Hopi.

Genetics of the Monte Verde / Clovis Migration Party

The Asia to Monte Verde migration group appears to have had a mix of genes from south China and from northeast Asia. On the male side, all the males appear to have had Q Y-chromosomes. There are three Y-chromosome haplogroups in the Americas: Q, C, and R. The C Y-chromosome is identified with the NaDene migration and the R Y-chromosome is rare in South America, the destination of the Monte Verde migration. Later, I will discuss the 24,000-year-old remains of the Mal’ta MA-1 Siberian boy whose DNA was recently sequenced. This boy had the R Y-chromosome, yet South American indigenous share much of the DNA of the Mal’ta boy. One possible explanation is that the Mal’ta party split into two (or more groups). One group, in which all the males had the Q Y-chromosome, went east to the coastal area of northeast Asia. A second group, in which the males had the R Y-chromosome, and possibly Q too, went west to the Caucasus. Later, I believe, some of their descendants became part of the Algonquin passage, explaining the concentrated presence of the R Y-chromosome in the Great Lakes region. The Q Y-chromosome is common in northeast Asia, including coastal areas, but found very little south of north China. This is a likely indicator that the Monte Verde migrating party, or at least the men, originated from northeast Asia.

On the female side of the Monte Verde migration, the situation is also complicated. There are five mtDNA haplogroups in the Americas. (MtDNA is passed from female to female.) The X-haplogroup definitely belonged to a different migration, as it is barely present in South America. Of the remaining four, the C-haplogroup is least common in South America, indicating that it may belong to a different migration. Haplogroups A, B, and D are found throughout South American indigenous groups and were likely part of the Monte Verde migration. Haplogroups A and D are found in the same area of Asia as the Q Y-chromosome, however the B haplogroup isn’t. Instead B haplogroup is found in South China, Taiwan, Southeast Asia, and Polynesia.

Earlier I had found that the Ch’orti’ language has roots in Taiwan. This leads to the following speculative scenario. Most of the Monte Verde migration formed somewhere on the coast of northeast Asia – either north China, Korea, or eastern Russia. For some reason they wanted more women in the party and traveled to Taiwan to negotiate for Taiwanese aboriginal women to make the passage. These women joined and came to be dominant linguistically and soon proto-Ch’orti’ became the language of the Monte Verde settlement. The Taiwanese women joining the northeast Asia migrating party would be the explanation of how the mtDNA B haplogroup made its way to the Americas.

The Zuni Passage

The Zuni passage could have been very early, by 20000 BCE or even earlier, and may have accounted for the very early Topper, Meadowcraft, and other eastern Northamerican sites. The Maya, in their naming protocol, called four groups "foreigners": the Xibalba hunters at Corinto cave, El Salvador, the Zuni, the Paleo Eskimos, and a group in Surinam that disappeared sometime before 8000 BCE. It is possible that most or all four of these groups were remnants of the Zuni passage. Most likely, ancestors of the Xibalba account for the remains at Tulum, Mexico, and in central Mexico.

The Zuni have a dental structure that most closely resembles the Ainu of Japan, but that is different than all other indigenous in the Americas. It is clear that they are a different passage from Asia. The Zuni language is a language isolate. Due to intermarriage between the Xibalba and the Olmeca, there may be some language similarities between Zuni and Olmeca-related groups, like the Lenca, Xinca, and Purepecha. Zuni women predominantly belong to the B mtDNA haplogroup, which is likely to have a south China origin. However, that may have been due to intermarriage with neighboring groups, such as the Acoma, a member of the Keresan language group. Instead, the Zuni passage may have carried females with the C mtDNA haplogroup, with A mtDNA also possible.

Based on the language of the Maya, the Zuni, Xibalba, and the Paleo Eskimo shared one characteristic - being fierce warriors. The battles of the Maya with the Xibalba are chronicled in the Popol Vuh. The famous Chichimeca warriors of northern Mexico were likely deployed to keep the Zuni at bay. And the Maya sent warriors like the Missouri up to the Hudson Bay area to protect other Maya-related indigenous groups from the Paleo Eskimos.

The Algonquin Passage

The Algonquin passage took place most likely from the Caucasus region directly to the Great Lakes region, where a group of Maya joined the Eurasian group to found the Algonquin. This took place in about 7600 BCE. The Algonquin passage was responsible for bringing the mtDNA X haplogroup (female) and the Y-chromosome R haplogroup (male) to the Americas. I will write more about this passage soon.

The Na-Dene Passage

The Na-Dene passage took place probably from Siberia to Alaska sometime betwen 8000 and 4000 BCE, according to genetics. The main group of the passage settled in Alaska and northwest Canada. Smaller groups moved to present-day northern California. The Na-Dene passage group is responsible for the C Y-Chromosome haplogroup in the Americas and possibly the C mtDNA haplogroup.

Sometime between 1000 and 1500 CE, two NaDene groups migrated from British Colombia to the Arizona / New Mexico area: the Apache and the Navajo. The Maya encouraged the two groups to make the move to protect new refugee populations - the Hopi and Pima - from the Zuni. Apache is ap pach' che' in Ch'orti' or "handle swinging crusher" in English. The Navajo were perhaps more reluctant to make the move. Navajo is nahp ha' ho in Ch'orti' or "forget about desirable rivers."

The Inuit Passage

The Inuit made the passage from the Russian arctic region to the Alaskan and Canadian arctic in about 1000 CE. They wiped out remnants of the Paleo Eskimo in their area, similar to what the Missouri did along the Hudson Bay and the Vikings did in Greenland.

Aligning the Genetics with the Proposed Migrations

The DNA of the remains of a boy at Mal'ta, Siberia, dated to 24,000 years ago, have been sequenced. The Mal'ta DNA are considered to be Eurasian and account for 14 to 38% of the DNA in indigenous in the Americas. According to Eske Willerslev, a leading Danish geneticist who led the efforts to sequence the Mal’ta DNA, all indigenous American groups so far tested have about equal amounts of Mal'ta DNA. Considering that there were five migrations, this gives the impression that the Mal'ta group was perhaps the only group of humans in that part of the Asia at that time.

More recently, the 12,600 year-old remains of a two-year-old boy at the Anzick ranch north of Livingston, Montana, USA, were genetically sequenced. The remains are 2,400 years younger than the first Amerind settlement at Monte Verde, Chile, and at least 1,900 years younger than sites in northern Venezuela and central Colombia. This boy and his counterparts could have descended from the people of the early South American sites, but not vice versa. The DNA of the Montana boy is shared with the DNA of 80 percent of indigenous Americans from South, Central, or North America, according to Eske Willerslev. The boy was buried with Clovis-style tools, indicating that his family was part of the Clovis culture.

There are obvious links between the Anzick ranch burial site and the Monte Verde culture of southern Chile. The Montana boy was buried with red ocher (iron oxide) paint poured over his remains. The only known source of red ocher paint at that time was the Taltal, Chile, mine. Second, the name of the town near Anzick ranch, Wilsall, is translatable and meaningful in proto-Ch'orti', the same language used to name place names in early sites in Chile, Venezuela, and Colombia. Wilsall or wil sal means "flying wall" in proto-Ch'orti', describing the buffalo driven over cliffs in the area by early indigenous. The ranch owners have identified one cliff on the ranch as a place where this was done.

Dozens of other place names in the upper Great Plains are also translatable in proto-Ch'orti'. This indicates it was extremely unlikely that the Clovis ancestors were the result of a hypothetical group of the Monte Verde-Clovis passage that stopped in North America, while the others proceeded on to Monte Verde. If that were the case, the language in the upper Great Plains would likely have diverged from proto-Ch'orti'. Thus, I conclude that the Clovis people are the result of a migration by raft/canoe from Chile directly to the upper Great Plains. Since words that are culturally important to the Lakota are translatable in proto-Ch'orti', such as Dakota, Lakota, Yankton, and Oglala, I further conclude that the Lakota are among the descendants of the Clovis and are the ones living where the Clovis people first arrived to North America.

Unlike the Mal’ta DNA, the Anzick ranch DNA contains a Q Y-chromosome - Q L54*(xM3) to be precise, per Morten Rasmussen, colleague of Willerslev. This fits the Anzick ranch (Clovis) DNA in the mainstream of predominantly Q haplogroups (Y chromosome) in South America and Central America. In North America, C3, Q, and R are all common. The Q M242 Y-haplogroup strain is common in the Americas and the most widespread throughout the world. This shows some evidence that persons with that genetic marker are among the most exploring of all genetic groups.

The genes of the Malta MA-1 Siberian boy match Native genes throughout the Americas (i.e. Monte Verde-related) between 14 and 38 percent. The Malta boy genes are Eurasian – they match modern European genes but not east Asian genes. This means that if the Mal’ta group split in two, the entirety of the group that went east to northeast Asia migrated to the Americas.

Conclusion

This post proposes at least five passages from Asia to the Americas, with the first likely the Zuni passage, as early as 20000 BCE, and the last, the Inuit, only about 1000 years ago. The largest and most important of the passages was the Monte Verde or Clovis passage of about 13000 BCE. This passage went directly to the south of Chile and led to 60% to 75% of all indigenous in the Americas. Early North American groups, like the Chumash and the Clovis people, migrated by boat from southern Chile to North America. The language and genetic markers of the Monte Verde passage show that it was complex, with men (and maybe some women) from northeast Asia and women from Taiwan or southeast China.

From Taiwan to Chile: A Source of the Indigenous of the Americas

First published June 4, 2013. Major revisions June 17, 2014.

Based on a comparative analysis of the Taiwanese aboriginal language, Siraya, and the oldest Maya language Ch'orti', as well place name and language name analysis in Taiwan, there is a likelihood that Taiwan was one of the origin points for the Maya and most of the indigenous in the Americas. As discussed here, there is a possibility of two origin points for this migration group. A Taiwanese origin point is consistent with the idea that the Monte Verde-related migration was by ocean rather than overland.

Almost all of the indigenous of the South and Central America are linked to Monte Verde and the Ch’orti’ that was spoken there. In a later publication I will further link many of the indigenous groups of North America to Monte Verde and, in most cases, to the Ch’orti’ language.

As described previously, the first peoples of South America were familiar with water craft and likely traveled by raft from Monte Verde, Chile, to Taima-taima, Venezuela, moving around South America in a counter-clockwise motion near the Pacific shore, through the Straits of Magellan, and then along the Atlantic shore. They also arrived to the other sites mentioned above by raft, as the story along the coast of Colombia makes clear. The first peoples were sailing people, quite familiar with the ocean.

When looking for the origin place and people of the Monte Verde migration, I considered coastal people from east Russia and China, Japan, Taiwan, and Indonesia. Indonesians are among the people who make up the Austronesian language group, who are well known sailors, also including Malaysians, Filipinos, and Polynesians. But the Austronesian language group seems to have its origin in Taiwan – nine out of ten Austronesian language branches are Formosan according to Robert Blust. It does not appear that the people of this language group had dispersed beyond Taiwan by 12800 BCE, the approximate date of the passage to the Americas.

The Taiwanese aboriginal languages are commonly called the Formosan languages. Siraya is part of the East Formosan branch. It was spoken at the time of the arrival of the Dutch along the southwest coast of Taiwan. Its historic area has been hypothesized to center on the Chianan Plain, which is one of the most fertile in Taiwan. I chose Siraya because it is a coastal language rather than a mountain language, thus more likely to be ocean people. Based on the name Siraya and its location bordering on nearly all of the other Formosan languages I think that it is one of the older Formosan languages. But the Formosan languages may not have diverged much at the time of the passage to the Americas. Therefore, looking at any of the Formosan languages should reveal similar linguistic connections with Ch'orti'.

The linguistic similarities between Siraya and Ch'orti' are found mostly in the cultural heritage words, such as those for close relatives and parts of the body.

Comparison of Cultural Words, Siraya and Ch'orti'

Siraya	English translation	Ch'orti'	English translation
na, ana, ina	mother	nana'	mother
chana	grandmother	cha' + nana'	second + mother
tau	human	tata'	grandfather
tau	human	tahu	get together
ma, ama	father	mama'	old man
ala	son or daughter	ar (al)	offspring, mammal
voal	body	bah	body
timi	cheek, face	ti'	mouth
pook	limb	ok	stalk, leg
uoeg	soul, spirit	weh	flesh
kate	evil	katu	moon deity
bulum	sky	lum	earth, land
uma	field, land, town	lum	earth, land
malii	land, soil	mar (mal)	open space
su	word	suht	reply
siriang	to make good	sir + ay	raise, lift + to be

The close translations of similar meaning words for mother, grandmother, father, and human are significant. These are among the words least likely to change in a language. The similarity of of these words is likely not random. Furthermore, similar words with related meanings for body, cheek, and limb are also important.

Although sky (bulum) in Siraya flips to earth (lum) in Ch'orti', these are both basic elements of nature. In addition, there is a similar Siraya word for field or land (uma) with a close correspondence to land (lum). Another Siraya word for land or soil malii corresponds closely with mal in Ch'orti' (open space). More comparative words are listed in the appendix.

The languages do not appear to share personal pronouns, which is another way show linkage between two related languages.

One phonetic similarity between the two languages is an exchanging of the 'l' and 'r'. In Ch'orti' this appears to be complete, where there has been only one letter pronounced in between 'l' and 'r', like Japanese, at least until modern times. In Siraya there appear to be two separate letters but in some words, they are inter-changeable. One example of this is the word for cat, which can be either ruklau or luklao.

One other similarity between Ch'orti' and Siraya is that both languages appear to be agglutinative, that is larger words are formed by creating compounds from smaller words. One example from about the time when the first peoples arrived in Chile in 12800 BCE, that is, when proto Ch'orti' began to separate from proto-East Formosan, is the name of the river by Monte Verde, Chile: Chinchihuapi, which is formed from six base words:ch’i in ch’i’h wa’ ha’ pi.

Next I will examine some places in Taiwan, as well as the names of tribes and languages. They tell the story of the peopling of Taiwan and, it seems, the story of the departure of the Monte Verde culture for the Americas.

The name Taiwan can be understood with Ch’orti’. Taiwan would be ta’ wa’ ahn and means "beings on the residue in the current." There are at least two examples where residue (ta’) is used to describe an island in Reloncavi Sound, near Monte Verde, Chile: Tabon Island and Tak Island. There are also examples were the word for residue, ta’, was pronounced "tai," like in Taiwan, such as the Venezuelan site, Taima-taima.

The name Siraya also is understandable in Ch’orti’. Siraya is si ir ha’ yam or "see the series of circles in the water." The final ‘m’ was often dropped in both archaic Ch’orti’ as well as more recent Ch’orti’. I understand seeing the circles in the water to mean the island of Taiwan and the surrounding islands, which signifies that the Siraya forged their identity when they saw Taiwan and moved there from China. It clarifies that Taiwan was separated by water from China and not a contiguous land mass.

The aboriginal peoples of Taiwan’s western plain, sometimes including the Siraya, are called Pingpu or Pinpu. In Ch’orti’ this would be pi in pur or "first companions on the up and down." This indicates that the west of Taiwan was the first place to be settled from China, which makes sense. The "up and down" I take to mean the tides experienced while journeying by boat across the Strait of Taiwan, which is today 130 to 180 kilometers wide.

Looking back the other way, there are two place names in China that likely date from the time of the first migration to Taiwan. Forty-five kilometers northeast of Quanzhou is Pinghai Bay. Pinghai is pi in ha’ and means "first companions in the water" – perhaps the first ones to journey out into the ocean. Language on Taiwan indicates they learned sailing there, so the first journey to Taiwan was likely with raft and paddles. Another 50 kilometers northeast, on the peninsula closest to Taiwan, is Pingtan. Pingtan has a similar word structure as Pinghai and is pi in ta’ ahn, meaning "first companions to the residue (island) in the current" – the first to Taiwan. Given its location it is logical that they would have departed from Pingtan to get to Taiwan.

In the Siraya area is Tainan City. Tainan is ta’ in ahn and means "first on the residue in the current." Also in the area is Sinhua Township, which is si in wa’ and means "many first beings (people)." These names add to the sense that the west side of the island hosted the first aboriginal communities.

All five of the sub-tribes of the Siraya have names that are translatable in Ch’orti’ and refer to the island of Taiwan or an animal (seals) found near Taiwan. Mattauw would be mat ta’ uh in Ch’orti’ and means "wrap-around sacred residue (island)" – perhaps the first to boat around the island. Taivoan is ta’ po’ ahn and means "residue (island) in the current of the deep hole." Soelangh seems to be soh hel ahn ak’ and would mean "like a curved skin in the current." Sinckan is si in ak’ k’a ahn and means "series of our first desirable skins in the current." Baccloangh is bah kel lo’ ahn ak’ and means "cut open skin and bodies of the loose ones (animals) in the current."

Many of the other Formosan (Taiwan aboriginal) languages are also translatable in Ch’orti’ and tell more of the story of the peopling of the island. They also seem to hold the key to explaining how the passage of a group to the Americas took place. I’ll start by going clockwise from the Siraya area to the northwest and then start at the Siraya area again before going counter-clockwise up the east side of the island. [click to enlarge]

Kwamikagami at en.wikipedia [CC-BY-SA-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0) or GFDL (http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html)], from Wikimedia Commons

The Hoanya speakers are directly north of the Siraya speakers and are part of the Western Plains language group. Hoanya is ho’ ahn yam and means "desirable circle in the current," referring to the island of Taiwan. Thao, up above the Hoanya, is ta’ ho’ in Ch’orti’, meaning "desirable residue" or desirable island.

The Babuza speakers are north of the Hoanya speakers. Babuza is bah buh tza and means "bodies cut up in the wetness" – later I’ll get to the violent group known as the controllers of the water. Papora speakers are right next to the Babuza and their name seems to relate to Babuza. Papora is pah po’ hor ha’ and means "leaders’ bodies in the water of the deep hole." Like the Babuza this name seems to relate to the violence done by the controllers of the water.

The Taokas are located at the shortest distance between Taiwan and China. Their name seems to indicate that they were the first group to land on the island. Taokas is ta’ ok kah as and means "beginning of walking and playing on the residue (island)." The Hoanya, Babuza, Papora, Thao, and Taokas make up the Western Plains Formosan language group. The names seem to indicate the first people of these languages made up the first migration from China to Taiwan.

Aside from Thao, the interior languages may have been the last to develop, as people moved from the coasts to the uplands. The names seems to be from a time when the language was diverging from Ch’orti’. The Tsou language is above Hoanya in the mountainous interior. Tsou might be chu’ in Ch’orti’, in which case it would mean "breast," or mountain.

Of the eight Taiwanese aboriginal language groups, plus one Polynesian group, five are understandable in Ch’orti’: the Western Plains group, Paiwan, Yami, Puyama, and the Eastern Formosan group. In the case of the Paiwan and the Yami, they may have been named by the Eastern Formosan group. This may indicate that the Western Plains and Eastern Formosan language groups are the oldest two groups.

Paiwan is spoken at the far southeastern corner of Taiwan. Paiwan is pi wa’ ahn and means "companion beings along the current." The name is in the third person – perhaps named by someone else.

The Yami are from a much smaller island southeast of Taiwan. The Yami language is a Malayo-Polynesian language so it likely was a much later migration. But the island seems to have an ancient name, named by the first inhabitants of Taiwan. The island name later may have been attached to the group that settled on Yami. Yami is yam mi and meant "circle of the cats" or perhaps island of the Amis.

The Puyuma are located just north of Paiwan and mostly are located inland. Puyuma is puh yum ha’ in Ch’orti’ and means "cut to pieces by the controller of the water." This name may explain why the Puyuma left the coast and primarily settled inland, although alternately, it could be "cut to pieces by the bad controller (master)." Who were "controllers of the water?" It was likely the same group who afflicted the Babuza and Papora.

A name on the coast very near to the historic Puyuma area is telling – Taimali township. Taimali is ta’ im mah li and means "beside the bad blasting ones of the residue (island)." "Blasting" is a way of saying hitting and was used, at times, in South America to denote hunting. This makes it likely that it was a next-door neighbor of the Puyuma who cut them to pieces – either the Amis to the north or the Paiwan to the south. A name with a similar meaning is located 12 kilometers south of Taimali – Duoliang Station. Duoliang is tol li ahn and means "next to the bruisers of the current." Further south, in the middle of the Paiwan area, is Manzhou Township. Manzhou is mah ahn suh and means "bad ones of the layer in the current," referring to their rafts. This supports the idea that it was the Paiwan who cut up the Puyuma and who were the controllers of the water.

The location of the Paiwan between two East Formosan language groups gives some likelihood that the Paiwan started out in the same language group. Their bullying tactics could have made them isolated socially, causing their language to diverge quickly from the East Formosan languages.

The last group with names understandable in Ch’orti’ are the East Formosan group. We already looked at the Siraya, situated on the southwest corner of Taiwan. Based on the Siraya sub-group names, the Siraya may have been the first members of this language group and the others diverged from there.

Today, the Amis are the largest aboriginal group in Taiwan. They are north of the Paiwan and Puyama, and occupy a coastal strip that stretches for 130 kilometers. Amis is am mi ix and means "cats’ spider movement." The expression "spider movement" seems to refer to the arm movements necessary for sailing. A similar same expression was later used in naming the Amazon River, which was used to practicing sailing before inexperienced sailors went out into the ocean. This name suggests that it was the Amis who first sailed among the Taiwanese aboriginal groups.

Amis Dance, By takunawan (Own work) [GFDL (http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html) or CC-BY-SA-3.0-2.5-2.0-1.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons.

Given their name, Amis, it is likely that the Maya, and most indigenous of the Americas, derive, in part, from the Amis. The Maya have called themselves mi or mis throughout their history, a word which means "cat" in contemporary Ch’orti’. While the phrase "cats" seems to be embedded in Amis, it is also possible that the expression mi originated with the naming of the Amis. It is present in the island name Yami. And the use of mi is present around Monte Verde, likely soon after the 12800 BCE passage.

Following the place names up the Amis east coast further confirms that proto-Ch’orti’ was spoken there and tells more of the story of the early developments on Taiwan. Taitung is ta’ tun and means "stones of the residue (island)," perhaps referring to the mountains that rise to the west.

There are several place names that support the idea that sailing advanced on the east coast of Taiwan, just like the tribal name Amis. Guanshan is located 25 kilometers north of Taitung. Guanshan is wa’ ahn chan and means "serpent beings in the current." The tacking movement of the sail rafts was likened to the motion of a serpent. Yanping is 20 kilometer northwest of Taitung. Yanping is yah ahn pi in and means "first injuries to companions in the current." This seems to refer to the first people injured and likely killed while sailing. Not coincidently, Yanping is located directly downhill from the important Peinan archeological and burial site. Peinan is per in ahn and means "first collapsed ones in the current." Collapsed refers to people who died. From the many references to sailing, Peinan seems to refer to the first people who died while learning to sail. Thus, the mountainous Peinan seems to have been a special burial site since the earliest of times.

The next three names refer to a specific geological formation on the coast – the small island to the east of Sansiantai. Chenggong is the name of the township there and is chen k’o on and means "perforation in the ancient tooth (stone)," referring to the water separating Sansiantai from the nearby island. They surmised that the stone of the island was, at one time, unbroken to the mainland, but perforated over time by the current. The town of Sansiantai, on the coast across from the island, is san si ahn ta’ and means "swelling of current between the residues (islands)." Si is a plural marker. The township inland from Chenggong is Fuli, which is pul li and means "next to the up and down," referring to the surf going up and down between the two islands at Sansiantai.

Changbin is 65 kilometers north up the coast from Taitung. Its name suggests that it was the first place that the Amis learned to sail. Changbin is chan bi in and means "first serpent companions." Like with Guanshan, the chan in Changbin means "serpent" and refers to sailing. Yuli is the township just inland from Changbin. It is yul li and means "next to the breaking through." This most likely means the invention of sailing, but it also could mean that sailing allowed the Amis to break through the tight grip of the controllers of the water, the Paiwan. A little north is the township of Ruisui, which also speaks about sailing. Ruisui is ruhp pi ix si, the ‘p’ dropping out of the middle, and means "companions’ series of movements in the froth."

The next set of names to the north speak about a formative event for the Amis people, and for the Maya ancestors and the ancestors of most of the Native people in the Americas. The names speak about a group of men coming on the current – sailing – and retaining a group of people, women most likely, and presumably taking them on their sail rafts. The township of Guangfu is wa’ ahn pur and means "beings in the up and down of the current." This could refer to the Amis out sailing, but the use of "beings" rather than "companions" makes it seem as though it is outsiders.

On the coast of Guangfu Township is the town of Fengbin, which is ben bi in and means "first wild (lost) companions." In modern Ch’orti’, ben means wild, but I think "lost" is a good meaning in this context. This implies that there were later additional lost or snatched people. In any case, it provides some evidence that Fengbin was the location of the seizing of the women who would make the passage to the Americas. Fengbin is located in Hualien County. Hualien is wa’ li ben and means "beside the lost beings," which seems to refer to both the women who were taken as well as the men who took them. Just north of Guangfu Township is Fenglin Township, which is ben li in and means "next to the first lost ones."

The language group in this area is Nataoran, which is closely related to Amis. There are several dialects of Nataoran. Nataoran and many of the names of these dialects speak about the women who were retained and taken by unknown men:

• Nataoran language: naht ta’ hor ahn – "leaders (men) from distant residue (island) in the current." This does not mean that the Nataoran were from a distant island but rather unknown men from a distant island visited the Nataoran. The Nataoran began to form an identity apart from the Amis when the distant men came to make their visit. The name clearly refers to the distant visitors as men, hor, not men and women.
• Cikosowan dialect: si ik’ k’o os soh wa’ ahn – "number of beings from the current with stones and arches fit in the wind." This name uses "beings" rather than "companions" indicating a likelihood of strangers. A sail raft would have heavy stones for ballast as well as arches (sails) that were fit into the raft.
• Kaliyuawan dialect: k’al li yup ha’ wa’ ahn – "beside the retained ones who joined the beings from the water current." This is perhaps the clearest explanation regarding what happened. People were retained and then left Taiwan, joining those who came (men) and they all left by water. The use of the word "beside" would indicate that the people who were retained, were not from the Kaliyuawan lineage.
• Pokpok dialect: po’ ok’ pok – "uprooted and divided in two by the deep hole." The deep hole refers to the ocean. At least some of the people retained and taken were from the Pokpok lineage.
• Tauran, sometimes used as a language name other than Nataoran: ta’ ur ahn – "explain what happened on the residue (island) and in the current." Those who remained explained later to other Amis from other villages what happened to those who were taken.
• Sakizaya Amis, language just north of Nataoran: sahk ix ha’ yah – "in pain, search for those who moved in the water." A search party was formed by sail to look for those from Fengbin who were taken.

The places and language names on the north side of where the Amis are located, consistently and clearly talk about the retention of a group of people, most likely women, by a group of men who arrived in sail rafts. I believe that this event marks the start of the passage from Asia to the Americas of the primary group of indigenous in the Americas.

The languages on the north side of Taiwan are considered to be East Formosan, along with Amis and Siraya and related languages. The area of Kavalan speakers is on the east coast about 150 kilometers north of the main Amis area. Kavalan is k’ah bal ahn and means"satisfying boats on the current." This seems to be another reference to sail boating, like the names in the Amis area. On the northern tip of Taiwan are the Ketangalan and Basai languages. These two languages suggest the Paiwan "controllers of the water" oppressed them, just as with the groups further south. Ketangalan is ket ahn k’al ahn and means "retained in the current by owners of the current." Basai is bah si and means "series of bodies," likely referring to deaths, perhaps due to the oppressive Paiwan rulers.

Elsewhere I discuss the genetics of the descendants of the participants of the main passage from Asia to the Americas and, put together with this narrative, produce a likely scenario that a group of only men from the Russian Pacific Coast, sailed to Taiwan, retained a group of women, and took the women with them on the sail-raft passage to the Americas – to Monte Verde, Chile, specifically. Given that the men and the women each came from cultures that were sailing in the ocean, they were likely among the most advanced cultures in the world at that time. The women prevailed with their language – it was their language, proto-Amis, later known as Ch’orti’, which was spoken in southern Chile, just as it was on the east coast of Taiwan. The women may not have been so sorry to leave Taiwan, given the oppressive presence of the Paiwan, just down the coast. In fact, at least one indigenous origin story, among the Lenca people of Guatajiagua, El Salvador, speaks about escaping an oppressive ruler across the sea, according to Jaime Nuñez. That oppressive ruler would have been the Paiwan, the controllers of the water.

Through what became the Ch’orti’ language, this chapter establishes a consistent path from coastal China to Taiwan to south Chile and from south Chile to Venezuela, Colombia, and Peru. The next chapter will extend that path to El Salvador and Mesoamerica. Separate research will link Chile to northward migrations to the west coast of North America and to the Great Plains of North America and the so-called Clovis people.

As the sail rafts journeyed down the Pacific coast of the Americas toward south Chile it is likely that they hit some lax winds, which they blamed on the long landmass that they sailed along. This led to the naming of America, which is am mer ri ik’ ha’ in Ch’orti’ and means "that which is beside the water and makes wind sailing impossible." America was named from the Pacific Ocean, referring to the way the continent(s) slowed the winds along certain portions of the coastal waters.

Because the men likely did not speak too much Amis-Ch’orti’ yet, America was most likely named by the Amis women. This is reinforced by both Amis and America beginning with am, which means "spider", but in both names was a figure of speech for sailing. Later Amazon would be named with the same am, or sailing.

Let’s return to Lake Llanquihue in South Chile, with a sense of poetic history. The first generation women from Taiwan were sad, missing Taiwan and their families, upset at being forced from their homes into new households with men they did not choose. They ran to Lake Llanquihue, named yah ahn ki’ wehr – "pained heart from the running lake" – and expressed their pain and sadness. But as they sat at the lake, gazing at the water and the Osorno Volcano, something began to happen inside. Maybe it was then and there that they created a new word, yan, by combining ya and ahn, "pain" and "running." The new word, yan, can be translated as "change" or "becoming." And then the new meaning of Lake Llanquihue was "change of heart lake."

Photo credit: By Sarah and Iain [CC-BY-2.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0)], via Wikimedia Commons

 

Appendix: Possible Cognates, Siraya and Ch'orti'

Siraya	English translation	Ch'orti'	English translation
alak	child	ar (al)	mammal, offspring
atinik	black ant	xinich	ant
avaw	breast	bah	body
baig	kiss	bah + ik'	body + wind
bulbul	desolation, destruction	bur (bul)	burning
chamumu	grandfather	cha'mama'	step uncle
cit	attack	siht	stun (as from a blow)
hay, haey	yes	eya	exclamation
icha	yesterday	cha	two
ilig	listen	ir (il) + ik'	watch + wind
kahan	finish	kah	beginning
kainaan	lady	kay + na'	sing + woman
kariskaus	disgrace	kar	drunkenness
kaya	wife	kaya	song, singer
kirig	break	kirik	thunder
lug	soak, bathe	luhx	swim
mala	place	mar (mal)	open space
mamu	old	mama'	old men
masashut	trust	hut	face of person
mate'	bad	mah / matia'	bad / never
moy	fill	mor	pile, mound
nanog	ball, shot, hail	na'k'	ball, pelled
papa	gift	pa'	food (masa)
papunpun	offspring	pun	change, a becoming
peri	to choose	pere	to obtain, to acquire
pudim	to add, to increase	bu't'	to fill up, to increase
ralum	water	lum (rum)	land, earth
raway	youth	wet	companion
ruut	neck	ut	any small opening of the body
sawtaway	abandon	satar + wa'	lost, hidden + being
su	word, speak	tz'u'	sip, a sipping
ta-ing	excrement	ta'	excrement, waste
taltal	bridge	tal	arrival
talum	plant	te' + rum	plant + earth
utiag	emerge	ut	eye, any small opening
uwal	right	wa'ar (wa'al)	standing straight
vati	life, soul	bah	body, soul
yupan	spirit	yum	gods, deity
zung	secret, dark	sun	foreign

First Peruvians Linked to Monte Verde and Mayan Ancestors

The residents of the highland Guitarrero Cave site in northern Peru, which had the earliest textiles in the Americas and a broad assortment of food plants, spoke a language similar to that of the residents of Monte Verde and Taltal in Chile, indicating the likely source of the first Peruvian population. I have compared the names of the villages surrounding the cave to the names of the villages surrounding the Chilean sites and found similarities, specifically they all seem to fit within an archaic proto Ch'orti'. Names from Taima-taima, Venezuela, and El Abra-Tocancipa, Colombia, also appear to be from the same language. I believe that the Guitarrero Cave site housed the ancestors of later Peruvian cultures like the Norte Chico, Chavin, Mochica, and Inca.

Guitarrero Cave had possible sporadic use as early as 10,610 BCE, potentially more regular use by 9,500 BCE. Significant food plants have been dated to as early as 8,500 BCE. Monte Verde was occupied until at least 10,000 BCE. It is feasible that there was a migration directly from Monte Verde to the Guitarrero Cave area. Alternately, the migration pattern could have been Monte Verde to Taltal to Guitarrero Cave. The Peruvians' cousins, the Mayan ancestors, likely migrated from Monte Verde to Taltal to El Salvador, landing at Toluca Beach.

The altitude of Guitarrero cave is 2580 meters above sea level. Some of plants found in the cave include two species of Aji pepper, Oca (tuber), common bean, pallar (runner or pole) bean, and maize. The beans date from 8000 to 7500 BCE and the maize dates from 6200 BCE. The maize date is about 2000 years after the Maya began to hybridize corn at Teotipa, El Salvador. Corn was most likely brought by boat (raft) from El Salvador to Peru. The beans are likely native in the wild to highland Peru. After the Maya learned cultivation in about 8300 BCE, with tobacco, they probably spent time in Peru in about 8000 BCE teaching their cousins how to cultivate. It is not clear if pallar beans originated in Peru or the Central American highlands.

The villages around Guitarrero Cave with proto-Ch'orti' names include: Yuracmarca, Huallanca, Huaylas, Conocranra, and Pato. The cave is closest to Huaylas. Two coastal place names - Chimbote and Coishco - also might date from the same time period as the cave. The residents of the cave and the surrounding area would have been traveling often to the coast since they were historically (i.e. in Chile) a maritime people.

Proto-Ch'orti' is the language that seems to most closely match the early sites like Guitarrero Cave. This is because the Maya were the most persistent at preserving their language. In addition, most of the place names at the early sites were named very early in settlement before the local language began to diverge from the root language (proto-Ch'orti').

Let's look at the likely meaning of these place names in proto-Ch'orti':

Yuracmarca

yur - breaking through, clearing
ak - grass, vines
mar - open space
kah - beginning

"Beginning of clearing grass (wild growth) for open space." This would appear to refer to the first plots cleared to grow beans and other plants.

Huallanca

way - any large seed
yan - difference, alteration
kah - beginning

"Beginning of altering the large seed." Considering the plants found in the cave, the large seed is most likely the bean. Altering refers to the process of hybridizing for desirable characteristics, a process that the Maya would have taught them. Huallanca seems to be where the hybridization of the bean first took place.

Huaylas

way - any large seed
rax or lax - summit, flat surface

"Large seed on flat surface." Similar to the previous two place names, this seems to refer to planting beans on a flat surface.

Coñocranra

kohn - small stream
yuk - stirring, trembling
lahan or rahan - tired
la'ht' or ra'ht' - load

"(Following) trembling stream, tired from the load." This translation is not as clear as some of the rest but this is plausible. This seems to indicate that Coñocranra was on the route to the ocean and its position near the steep mountain would be consistent with a place where one would note fatigue if one were carrying a heavy load (or even if not).

Pato

pa't - pod, husk
tohb - anything shelled

"Shelled pods." This seems to be talking about the beans and a place where they were shelled. It would be easy to assume that Pato is from Spanish but given all the other indigenous names in the area I think that is unlikely.

Now for the two coastal names:

Chimbote

chin - tremble, surf
bu't' - a rise, increase (bu't'ir is the modern verb form)

"Rising surf." This indicates the rising ocean level following the end of the Ice Age. Based on a Popol Vuh reference to Isla Tigre, Honduras, significant ocean rising had taken place by 8200 BCE probably beginning several hundred years before that.

Coishco

k'o' - fatigue
ix - movement
k'ot - arrival

"Arrival fatigue from movement." While this could be referring to the first arrival point, it would make more sense as the end point on the walk (run?) down from the Huaylas area, possibly carrying heavy loads to place on a raft.

These seven place names show conclusively that the Guitarrero Cave area fits within the proto-Ch'orti' linguistic culture of all other early South American sites. In particular this links Guitarrero Cave with the earliest site at Monte Verde and with the earliest Mayan sites like Toluca, Jardin, Tecapa, and Tigüilotada (Isla Tigre).

Why did the first Peruvians pick the northern Peru highlands to establish themselves? Now the area seems to be a dry mountainous area with few natural resources. At the time they first arrived (or visited) the Ice Age was still in place. This likely produced more rainfall in these highlands, resulting in much more biodiversity. The wild predecessors of the potato, oka, aji pepper, and bean were all present in the highland.

Guitarrero Cave and the Huaylas highland was the first chapter in the very rich story of Peruvian cultures, cultures that maintained friendship and mutual support with the Maya in El Salvador.

Ancient Sailing Stones at El Salvador Coast

One of the more amazing ancient sites in El Salvador are the stones that correspond to four ancient sailing rafts. The stones are located about five kilometers inland from the Toluca Beach, east of La Libertad (click to enlarge). While there is no official dating, my research indicates a date of approximately 8,800 BCE. And my research indicates that the sailing party arrived from either Chile or Peru.

The stones are lying in tall grass and are sitting right next to each other, as if they were purposefully placed that way. There are four sets of most of the stones. The stones include anchor stones. The anchor stones are all cut so that some type of rope could be tied around the stones.

There appeared to be more than four anchor stones. Here's another:

There were four stones that were cooking stones. These varied somewhat but all contained a nearly perfectly round pounding hole. Some contained smaller holes that could have been gourd holders (early cup holders) or they could have been bases for poles used for shelter support. Some had shallowly indented work areas and some had a quite deep indentation for cooking or perhaps as seats. These large stones indicate that the rafts were quite large. A raft that was 8 logs wide and 40 feet long, for example, could use a stone like this for ballast to ensure the raft didn't flip over.

This cooking stone (below) has a very different configuration from the one above but still most of the same features.

There was a pounding stone located next to one of the cooking stones:

One of the most surprising stone types to find were sleeping stones. While generally lower than the cooking stones they tended to be larger and might balance the cooking stones in weight, creating large ballast stones on each side of the sail. While some raft travelers may have slept in hammocks, the sleeping stones would ensure that raft travelers would not be sleeping on the wet raft surface. If you look partway down the left side of this stone you can see a stone pillow.

This stone may have been the central mast stone on one of the rafts.

There is at least one stone that appears to be either a day-keeper stone or a navigation stone, with cut marks made on many parts of the stone.

The stones are located in a rather compact area within the tall grass in the photo below. Rather remarkably, to the left of the sailing stones from this angle, are four large round-ish marker stones.

These stones were moved - rolled - to this location from the surrounding area. However this is a not a stoney area - some may have been rolled several kilometers. My opinion is that each of these stones represent one raft, one family, that arrived to El Salvador. They are memorial stones - grandfather/grandmother stones.

The four grandfather/mother stones: (click to enlarge)

I will examine five questions that this site of four ancient sailing stones raises: has the ocean level really gone down? Who were the ancient sailers? Where did the ancient sailers come from? When the sailers land at Toluca Beach? Where did the sailers go from here?

The Ocean Level. The first question raised by the sailing stones is that this implies that the ocean has gone down in the last 11,000 years. In relative terms, on the Pacific Coast of Central America, this is true. The stones are maybe 15 meters above the level of the ocean. A similar marker stone on Isla Tigre, Honduras, which was likely also placed at ocean shoreline level perhaps 500 years later, is about 12 to 15 meters above the ocean level. 

There are at least two historic forces at work. There is a gradual rising of the Pacific coast of Central America as the Cocos continental plate continues to go under the Caribbean plate, which contains all of El Salvador and most of Central America. The western edge of the Caribbean plate, near the Pacific coast, continues to rise through this process. This leads to many earthquakes and volcanos as well as an ocean that appears to be falling.

In reality the ocean has likely risen between 30 and 60 meters in the last 12,000 years, with most of the rising occuring between 10,000 BCE and 6,000 BCE as the ice sheets melted after the last of the Ice Age. It's likely that the Toluca Beach site was submerged by the ocean for many thousands of years and then finally rose out of the ocean 3000-4000 years ago with the rising of the Caribbean plate and continued to rise until recently when recent ocean rising is again reversing the historic trend.

Who were the people who landed at Toluca Beach? Given the two place names in this area - Toluca and Amatal - it is quite clear that these were the ancestors of the modern-day Maya people. Both Toluca and Amatal have significant meanings in proto Ch'orti' Maya. This is similar to all the early South American sites, including the first site, Monte Verde, in southern Chile, and other sites, Taima Taima, Venezuela, Abra-Tocancipa, Columbia, Taltal, Chile, and Lapa do Boquete, Brasil. In the case of Taltal, Playa Amatal shares part of its name: tal means "arrival" in proto Ch'orti'. The shared name suggests a possible link between these two sites.

The Toluca name sounds similar to Tecoluca, a municipality 50 kilometers to the east where the Lempa River drains into the Pacific Ocean. Here is the possible meaning of Toluca in proto-Ch'orti':

T'ohr - anything stacked or piled (the 'l' and 'r' were likely interchangeable at that time)
Uk' - sadness
Kah - beginning, start or k'ah - remembering

I think that the meaning is "remembering in sadness the (horizontal) pile [of stones and rafts]. Perhaps they were sad in leaving behind the old land or were sad for those who may have died on the journey. That both Amatal and Toluca have meanings in proto Ch'orti' answers to a large degree who it was who landed at this beach and left these sailing stones.

Where did the ancient sailers come from?

The two sites along the Pacific coast of South America of a time period of 9000 to 8000 BCE are at Taltal, Chile, and the Guitarrero Cave, Peru. Both the Taltal site and the Guitarrero Cave site have place names consistent with proto-Ch'orti' seen at Toluca-Amatal. The habitation of the Taltal site dates from 10,000 BCE to about 8,500 BCE. The habitation from the Guitarrero Cave site dates from about 10,500 BCE to 5,000 BCE. The Peru site is about 100 kilometers from the Pacific Ocean and the inhabitants there likely maintained contact with the ocean.

The cooking stones shown above are somewhat similar to some of the tacita stones found in northern Chile, several hundred miles south of the Taltal site. Those stones are located at 300 meters above sea level, so they were never used on a raft, but indicate that similar technology was used on land. Here are more photos from a nearby site in Chile.

While the tacita stone sites in Chile and the connection between the names Taltal and Amatal might point toward Taltal, Chile, being the origination of this journey, it could have just as easily been from Peru. The evidence of very early vegetable production in or near the Peru site, starting in 8500 BCE with Aji peppers, is consistent with the very early agricultural production in El Salvador.

When was the journey made? These stones seem to be from an arrival type of journey rather than a short visit, in which case the stones would have been re-used and the grandfather/mother stones would not have been added. These four stones seem to correspond to the four leaders mentioned in the Popol Vuh (PV): Akbar, Kinche' (Quitze), Ik, and Maix (mentioned as Majukutaj in the PV). Therefore, it seems that this journey can be tied to the events in the Popol Vuh.

In fact the names mentioned above correspond to the shifts on which the raft leaders were the lead raft and carried the navigation stone. Akbar means "night", Kinche' means "handle day", Ik means "evening", and Maix means "not ready yet". The latter name almost appears to be a joke but simply means that Maix was not an experienced rafter and was not yet ready to lead the journey. 

These first people were the ones who experienced the Xibalba cave soon after landing in El Salvador. I have previously dated this experience to 8800 BCE using the Popol Vuh dating system and the mars retrograde long-count calendar.

Secondly, this journey would correspond to a time before corn was first hibridized. The earliest date determined by scientists so far is 6700 BCE in the Balsas River valley of Southwest Mexico. However the date according to the Popol Vuh was approximately 7900 BCE. This raft journey would have to have occured several hundred years before that.

Third, the ocean level itself indicates a very early date for this journey. If the date would have been later than, say, 8000 BCE, this site would have been submerged by the 100 to 200 additional feet of ocean depth as a result of the melting ice sheets following the Ice Age.

For all of the above I would date this raft journey to 8800 BCE, +/- 200 years.

Where did they go from here? It is impossible to know where this group of families went but my guess is that they went east or northeast where the terrain rises more gently than it would inland to the north or northwest. In addition, there is a village called Nuevo Eden, New Eden, about 17 kilometers to the east and just northwest of the international airport. My guess is that Nuevo Eden was the site of their first encampment. But soon after came their encounter with the Lords of Xibalba!

Early Brasil First Peoples Site is Linked to Sites in Chile

Lapa do Boquete is a Paleolithic site dating to about 10,070 BCE; one of the earlies in South America. It is located in eastern Brasil just off the São Francisco River, navigable year-round to the Atlantic Ocean. Lapa do Boquete is on the Peruaçu River, which drains into the São Francisco a few kilometers downstream from the site. There are canyons and caves along the Peruaçu. There are many rock paintings in the area. The area was occupied for several thousand years. The plant and animal remains and the cave paintings are well preserved within the dry caves.

The São Francisco River is navigable for about 300 km upstream from the Peruaçu. It is the longest river entirely in Brasil and the fourth longest river in South America. Its indigenous
name is Opara. It drains into the Atlantic about 100 kilometers northeast of Aracaju. The place names around the Lapa do Boquete site reveal that it is part of the Monte Verde, Chile, linguistic-cultural complex, like early sites in Taima-taima, Venezuela, Tocancipa, Colombia, and Taltal, northern Chile, as well as Bariloche, Argentina. In fact, the place names indicate a special connection with Taltal in particular. This connection makes it highly probable that the settlers of Lapa do Boquete left Taltal, journeyed south by boat along the Chile coast, around Cape Horn, and then northeast along the coasts of present-day Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil. They finally arrived moving upstream along the São Francisco River.

Three place names will be looked at: Opara, the indigenous name for the São Francisco River; Itacarambi, a town along the Opara north of Lapa; and Jatobá, a town on the Opara south of Lapa.

In order to evaluate the meanings of these place names, I will use a modern Ch'orti' dictionary. Ch'orti' is the closest language to the root language of the Maya and still contains many of the basic cognates in common with the language brought over by boat from east Asia.

Opara - The indigenous name of the São Francisco River

O - No meaning. Probably added later
Parar - latticed

Opara likely means "latticed" or "woven" referring to its weaving through the Brazilian countryside.

Itacarambi - A town on the banks of the São Francisco River

Ihta'n - sibling, relative
K'ar - opening, fissure, throat
Aambi' - last year, a year ago

Meaning "relative from the opening a year ago". The key for this name is opening or fissure. This clearly is indicating the iron oxide mine at Taltal, Chile, a hand-dug open pit mine close to the Pacific Ocean. While aambi' might mean literally "a year ago" it could mean "in the not too distant past". While Itacarambi could be indicating a visit from Taltal it seems much more likely to indicate a recent move from Taltal, a move away from relatives.

Jatobá - a town south of the Lapa site on the São Francisco River

Hat - A splitting
Tohb - Anything shelled, pods
Buh - Legume, hardnut, berry
Bah - Deep yellow or brown

Meaning "split shelled nuts" or "splitting deep yellow pods". Both are similar meanings indicating some type of shell, pod or nut, perhaps yellow-brown in color, that was split here. Unlike Itacarambi, there are many Jatoba place-names in Brazil, which makes sense given its more common meaning.

The meanings of the three place names near the Lapa do Boquete site indicate that it was settled by the same cultural group that settled Monte Verde and Taima-taima and was very likely settled by a group from the site of Taltal in northern Chile. It is likely that later the Taltal group migrated to El Salvador to found the Mayan and Lenca peoples.

 

Arrival to Northern Chile and the Oldest Mine in the Americas

Taltal, Chile. First mine in the Americas. First red ochre. Rock, bone, body and face paint. Taltal is one of the most important historical sites in the Americas. An iron oxide mine or quarry was begun in 10,000 BCE and continued for 1,500 years. The next oldest mine in the Americas dates to about 2,500 BCE. The iron oxide or red ochre from Taltal was likely carried thousands of miles to California's Channel Islands, and possibly to Japan and Taiwan. Taltal may stand as much in the tradition of red ochre mines of Australia that date to ~40,000 BCE and of South Africa that date to ~90,000 BCE, as it does to later mines in the Americas. Red ochre was considered a life giving substance.

Red ochre is a well-known red dye used for the purpose of body and face painting, as well as rock painting. Red ochre mines dating to 40,000 to 60,000 years ago have been found in Australia. I believe that Taltal indicates a continuous cultural use of red ochre from Australia to East Asia to the Americas.

The Taltal mine was discovered in the last couple years. Examining the meaning of the place name of Taltal and surrounding place names it is clear that it fits within the cultural tradition of Monte Verde, 2000 km to the south in southern Chile, and sites we have examined in Bariloche, Argentina, Venezuela, and Colombia. Given the similarily between the place names at Taltal and the modern Ch'orti' Maya language it is very possible that it was the ancestors of the Maya who were at Taltal before they moved north to El Salvador in about 8800 BCE.

There are few indigenous place names around Taltal, Chile. But let's look at three local place names: Taltal, Huentelauquen Cove, and Choapa River, as well as Coquimbo, the administrative region were Taltal is located. Taltal today is small city of 10,000 on the Pacific coast of the desert north of Chile. It lies at the mouth of the Choapa River, which flows down from the Andes Mountains to the east. A small peninsula to the west of Taltal gives form to the Huentelauquen Cove. Taltal is located in Coquimbo Region. Let's take a look at the meaning of these names in one of the oldest languages in the Americas, Ch'orti' Maya.

Taltal - Small city in northern Chile and location of a red ochre mine dating to 10,000 BCE.

Tal: arrival (in Ch'orti' it would be tar but in archaic Ch'orti' the 'l' and 'r' would likely have been interchangeable)

Clearly Taltal means 'arrival', and being on the coast indicates a sea arrival. Whether the arrival was from the deap sea or up the coast from Monte Verde can't be determined, but given the language links with Monte Verde, that seems most likely.

Choapa - The name of the river that flows into the Pacific Ocean at Taltal.

Choh: growth of plants
Ah: one who
Pa': food

Or "one who gathers (or grows) food from plants". There is another possible meaning:

Cho': dye
P'aj: brown

The brown dye would refer to the reddish-brown dye of the iron oxide mine at Taltal.

Coquimbo - The administrative region in northern Chile that contains Taltal.

Kohk: cut or broken part of
Inbon: many, much, excessive, increasing
Po': deep spot, hole, well (the 'b' and 'p' were interchangeable in archaic Ch'orti')

Or "excessive, deep cut hole" which would refer to the historical red ochre mine or quarry at Taltal.

Huentelauquen - The cove at Taltal.

Weh: flesh, pulp
Te': plant
Lauh: large leaf
Kene': any variety of banana

Or large leaf, fleshy banana plant. While I won't say it's impossible for some variety of banana to have originated in South America, I think it's more likely that kene' was originally a word that referred to fleshy fruit generically, like banana or a palm. Taltal is in the region of the endangered Chilean Wine Palm. I think that Huentelauquen refers to this palm tree. 

The first peoples landed from Asia by boat at Monte Verde, Chile. They quickly spead out with settlements in Venezuela and Colombia. Local place names indicate that they are all linked by a common root language which is most closely linked to Ch'orti' Maya, among modern languages. By 10,000 BCE another settlement from Monte Verde was made at Taltal in northern Chile. From South America one group would migrate to Central America in about 8,800 BCE - the Maya/Lenca ancestors and the ancestors of most of the Central and North American indigenous.

The Monte Verde Culture Heads Inland in Colombia

Nearly as old as the Monte Verde site in southern Chile and equally old as the Taima Taima and related sites in Venezuela are a series of sites, El Abra-Tocancipá high in the Andes mostly northeast of Bogotá. Just as the Monte Verde culture sailed counter clockwise around South America from Chile around the Cape of Magellan past Brazil and the Amazon to Venezuela, they continued on to the Caribbean coast of Colombia, went up the Magdalena River, and then by foot arrived to the altiplano. Comparing the proto-Ch'orti' language of Monte Verde with the place names of the Colombian sites confirms that these were the same people.

Earlier I confirmed that the Monte Verde people arrived by sea from Asia to southern Chile and that they lived in a broad area that included Bariloche, Argentina. They circumnavigated South America, with a group settling in Venezuela. Later, in about 9,000 or 8,500 BCE one group of these proto-Ch'orti' speakers would travel to El Salvador and then settle in the islands of the Gulf of Fonseca, the beginning of the Maya and Lenca identity. (español)

The Colombian sites are all located on the Andean altiplano with most about 50 kilometers northeast and one site about 25 kilometers west of Bogota. The Abra site near Tibitó is a series of caves and rock shelters at an altitude of 2,570 meters. The first settlement has been dated to 12,400 BCE, within a few hundred years of Monte Verde. Bone fragments come from mastadons, the American horse, and deer. Perhaps it was in pursuit of the horse that the early MonteVerdeans arrived to Tibitó. The horse became extinct in the Americas by 6,000 BCE, if not earlier. By the way, the horse is originally an American animal and made it to Asia, it is speculated, by crossing the Bering Strait during the last Ice Age. Another cave near Tocanpicá has tools that date to 11,000 BCE.

To the south, a site near Tequendama, near the Bogotá suburb of Soacha, also has tools from the same time period. Many of these were brought from the Magdalena River valley, 50 kilometers west. This shows additional proof for a close relationship with the Magdalena River.

Like the sites of Monte Verde, Bariloche, and Taima Taima, many of the place names surrounding these sites are from a proto-Ch'orti' language, demonstrating that it was all the same people in the various South America sites and that the Ch'orti' Maya language is the closest relative of the base language of all the South American indigenous languages. It also means that Ch'orti', the language closest to the holy language used at the classic era Mayan sites, is the closest relative of the language spoken in Asian by the people who crossed the Pacific. Let's look at the meanings of the place names in Ch'orti':

Tibitó - A contemporary village and site of an ancient rock shelter about 50 kilometers north of Bogotá and 70 kilometers east of the Magdalena River valley

Ti: in, on, within
Bitor: any kind of rounded crest

Or "within a rounded crest" which likely describes the rock shelter. The 'or' at the end was replaced by 'ó'. This is the only occurence of Tibitó.

Cajica - A contemporary village near the Tibitó site, with a very old name.

Ka'h: remembrance
Ik'ar: wind, breeze

Or "remembering wind", perhaps a breeze that reminded the settlers of Taima Taima or Monte Verde. This is the only occurence of Cajica.

Tocancipá - A contemporary small city near the Tibitó site.

Tok' - Breaking off, chipping, flint stone
K'an - need, desire
Sihb(p) - increase, swelling
Pa' - food

Not such a clear meaning, but could mean, "Chipping stone tools for need to increase food." This is a more abstract meaning than typical. Another possible mearning using different cognates is "breaking yellow sticks". This is the only occurence of Tocancipá.

Siria - A village just northeast of Tocancipá.

Sir - raising or lifting
Siri - lift up
Ah - one who

"One who is lifted up" or "anointed". There are five occurences of Siria in Latin America, three of which in Colombia. While some may be a modern reference to the country of Syria, it is more likely that all are based on this Ch'orti' word reserved for special people, those who are enlightened, those who discovered agriculture, etc.

Tequendama - A rock shelter and waterfall 25 kilometers west of Bogotá with tools dating back to about 11,000 BCE.

Ta - (locative)
Ker - separating
Tama - in, within, at

Or "separating to the interior". This likely signifies a new community distant from the previous base settlements. Tequendama is about 40 kilometers southwest of the earlier sites of El Abra and Tibitó. There are five occurences of Tequendama in Colombia and nowhere else in the world and each could signify a new settlement distant from previous settlements. One alternative meaning for Tequendama is base on the syllable quen, the only other Ch'orti' word similar is kene', which means banana. There is a slight chance this name refers to a plant or fruit, where the name was later used for bananas when they were introduced to Central America.

Soacha - A city, suburb of Bogotá, close to the site of Tequendama.

Sohi - bend, curve
Ch'a' - horizontal, lying down
Cha' - two, second

"Horizontal curve" or "two curves/bends". Soacha is not an exact match so it is possible it is not proto-Ch'orti' in origin. This is the only occurence of Soacha.

Chusacá - A contemporary village close to Tequendama and Soacha.

Ch'u - anything hanging, hanging fruit
Chu' - breast, milk, milky sap
Saka - white seed

"Hanging white seed" or "Sappy white seed". These are consistent meanings. This could refer to the pitaya, pitahaya, chirimoya, or platonia. There were several white fruits in northern South America. This is the only occurence of Chusacá, but there is a Chusacay in Peru.

While other early settlements of the First Peoples are all coastal, the Colombian ones are in the interior. How did they get there? The common wisdom among anthropologists and archeologists is that they walked overland from the north across the Darien Strait from Central America. However, there are no other settlements for thousands of miles to the north from the same time period, placing this assumption in doubt.

I think that the arrival to the Abra Valley of Colombia was primarily by ocean, just like Taima-Taima in Venezuela. The Magdalena River (right) is key. It is navigable for hundreds of kilometers starting at Barranquilla on the Caribbean coast to the high altiplano in the south of the country. It is easily navigable to Honda, directly west of the Abra Valley. The first inhabitants traveled counterclockwise around South America, whether originating from Monte Verde or from Taima-Taima is not clear. They may have reached the Darien Strait and then turned backed to the first major river and went upstream. Likely from Honda they left the boats and climbed up straight east to the altiplano, settling in the desirable Abra Valley.

Like Taima-Taima and Monte Verde, the first peoples of Colombia spoke an archaic form of Ch'orti' Maya, based on the place names. Today many Macro-Carib speakers live in the altiplano, with some neighboring Chibchan speakers. The Chibchan arrived at a later time from Central America. It is clear that they were formed at about the same time as the Maya and Lenca in the Gulf of Fonseca. It is most likely that the Abra Valley is the source of the Macro-Carib languages. Earlier I had speculated that El Jobo, Venezuela, might be the source, but the Abra Valley seems much more likely.

Monte Verde Culture Meets the Mastadon: Venezuela

One of the most intriguing archeological sites in the Americas is Taima-taima and associated sites in northwest Venezuela. The site, discovered before Monte Verde, Chile, was the first definitive proof that the Clovis culture was not the first in the Americas. The Taima-taima site was dated to 12,000 BCE, 1,400 years earlier than the Clovis culture, with human habitation continuing until about 8,000 BCE.

Taima-taima and other nearby sites included the activity of mastadon butchering. Based on skeletal remains, this was a place where many mastadons were killed. This is the southernmost find of mastadons. They were more commonly found in southern Northamerica and Central America. In fact no other mastadon fossils have been found between Honduras and Venezuela. Mastadons are about the same size as elephants or woolly mammoths but are not very closely related. The mastadon's tusks could be as long as five meters. The tusks curved up but not so much as the mammoth. When a mastadon reared its head the tusks would be pointing nearly straight out. Imagine how intimidating!

Based on an analysis of the meaning of the place name of Taima-taima and associated sites, we can now determine who settled here.

The Taima-taima people are the same as the Monte Verde culture in southern Chile. In both cases the place names are proto-Ch'orti' words. Looking at the map to the left [click to enlarge], shows that the only feasible way for a group from Monte Verde to reach Taima-taima, nearly from one tip of the continent to the other, was by boat (sail-raft) around the continent. Both sites are a few miles from navigable ocean water.

This means that the Monte Verde culture sailed through the Magellan straits about 13,000 years before Magellan. Perhaps they should be renamed the Mapuche straits. They sailed up and around the Atlantic side of South America. Likely they also sailed up the Pacific side to Baja California and California's Channel Islands.

We will look at seven place names around Taima-taima. Four are within a few miles of Taima-taima while the other three are spread out somewhat but also have evidence of habitation at about the same time as Taima-taima or just later. El Jobo appears to date almost as early as Taima-taima, about 11,000 BCE. It is located about 120 kilometers southwest of Taima-taima. A famous projectile point has been named after El Jobo. The Jobo and nearby Pedregal valleys have many points and cherts which date from this period.

Cucuruchú is a site about 170 km south-southwest of Taima-taima. A fossil of the Panamerican Ground Sloth (Eremotherium), which went extinct in about 9,000 BCE, was found there. There are also man-made tools of the same period there.

To the northwest of Taima-taima about 75 kilometers is another important site of Cayude. It is located on the Paraguaná peninsula. Cayude appears to be from a slightly later period, about 9,000 to 8,000 BCE. It is unique among the sites in having some points that are similar to Northamerican Clovis points.

Around Taima-taima are three other related sites that all date from the same time: Mauco, Taratara, and Mataruca. All of the sites are located within three miles of the Atlantic Ocean. Mauco, like Taima-taima, is a site of mastadon remains. Taratara and Mataruca are current-day villages which have names that date back to the time of Taima-taima in 12,000 BCE.

Let's take a look at all of these seven site names and their meanings in Ch'orti', proto-Chorti was the ancient language of the First Peoples in the Americas.

 

Taima-taima - An early village and butchering site of mastadons within a mile of the Atlantic coast of Venezuela

    Ta': excretion or remains of plants or animals
    Mah: fault, false, evil

Or "remains of the evil animal", which would mean mastadon remains.

Mauco - Another village and early butchering site of mastadons, also about a mile of the Atlantic coast

    Mauh: evil, wicked, unsocial
    K'o': tooth

Or "evil tooth" (evil-toothed), which describes the mastadon.

Taratara - A village about two miles southeast of Taima-taima.

    Tar: arrival

Or "arrival arrival". Clearly this is the area of the coast where the First Peoples first landed. The name Taratara is essentially equivalent to Taltal in Chile. (The l's and r's were one sound to the First Peoples.)

Mataruca - A village about two miles southeast of Mauco.

    Mah: false, evil
    Ta': plant or animal remains
    Luki: hook

Or "remains of hooked evil one". This may refer to a speared mastadon rather than a hooked mastadon.

Jobo - A village in the Pedregal valley 120 km southwest of Taimataima.

Hop(b): jump, leap
Po': deep hole  (also could be spelled bo')

Or "jump in deep hole". This most likely refers to a deep hole that was made to trap mastadons. Note that the 'j' is the Spanish letter that would correspond to the ch'orti' 'h'. Also that the p and b are somewhat interchangeable for the ch'orti'.

Cucuruchú - A village about 170 km southeast of Taima-taima

Kurkur: pronged, pointed
Ruch: gourd, gourd container

Or "pronged gourd". In Spanish cucurucho means 'cone', no doubt coming from ch'orti'. Some other powerful words are embedded in Cucuruchú, including kuhr - vagina, kur - penis or pointed object, and uchur - spirit. This helps explain a Mexican slang for cucurucho of a couple that displays a lot of tenderness.

Cayude - A village 75 northwest of Taima-taima on the Paraguaná peninsula.

Kaih: begin
Ut: any round fruit or ute: tree

Or "begin fruit" or "begin tree", which appear to be a reference to the first use of a certain kind of fruit/fruit tree.

Cayude, with its Clovis-type points dating to 8,500 or 8,000 BCE, likely point to contact with Central American cultures. This contact was likely by a combination of boat and overland. The Central Americans also descended from the proto-Ch'orti' speakers and may have settled in Central America from Venezuela. However, it appears more likely that they moved from Chile or Peru to Central America.

Finally, looking at the location of modern day indigenous languages we can gain a clue about which languages descended from the ch'orti' root present at Taima-taima and Jobo. Taima-taima, Cayude, and Cucuruchú all are in the Equatorial linguistic area. This includes the language sub-groups of Macro-Arawakan, Jibaro-Kandoshi, Kariri-tupi, and others. The Jobo area seems to correspond to the Macro-Carib linguistic area, which includes the language sub-groups Andoke, Bora-Uitoto, Carib, Kukura, and Yagua.

All of the languages of Central and South America can be traced back to these early migrations of proto-Ch'orti' speakers. From Venezuela we go next to Colombia. Eventually the proto-Ch'orti' speakers settled in El Salvador and their descendants became the great Maya and Lenca nations.

Bariloche: Part of the 12,000 BCE Monte Verde Culture

Bariloche, Argentina, is a charming city in the beautiful southern Andes, especially popular as winter sports destination. Bariloche is a very old destination, dating back about 14,000 years. Its roots are connected to Chile and the Pacific Ocean.

The First Peoples from Asia arrived along the coast of Chile in about 12,500 BCE and settled at a site now called Monte Verde. Based on a study of the place names around Monte Verde, as well as other early South American sites, I determined that the place names are in a proto-Ch’orti’ (Maya) language. The language that the First Peoples spoke in Asia before leaving for the Americas was proto-Ch’orti’. Later, one group of these proto-Ch’orti’ speakers arrived at present-day El Salvador and become trapped in the Gruta del Espíritu Santo before escaping and founding the Maya-Lenca nations.

Proto-Ch’orti’ was the language the First Peoples spoke when they visited and camped out at Bariloche. There is an obvious clue that this area was settled or visited by the same people who were at Monte Verde: the common presence of the word component “huapi”. The Monte Verde site is on the Chinchihuapi Creek and Bariloche is along Nahuel Huapi Lake. “Huapi”, spelled “wahpi” in the Wisdom Ch’orti’-English dictionary, means “continue” or “keep on” in Ch’orti’. [Click to enlarge map.]

I will examine Bariloche along with four place names around it: Nahuel Huapi Lake; Dina Huapi, a town along the lake several miles northeast of Bariloche; Con Con, a small place halfway between Bariloche and Dina Huapi; and Nirihau, a small place a few miles east of Bariloche. I’ll take a look at the meaning of each of these place names using Ch'orti' meanings.

Bariloche

Bar: weight, heaviness (also bares means “make heavy”)
Lochi: arc, bow, bend, flex, fold

Bariloche means something like “heavy fold” and probably refers to the mountain folds that form peninsulas and islands in Nahuel Huapi Lake.

Nahuel Huapi Lake

Na’: round bowl
   or naht – distant
Wehr – rip, tear (the ‘r’ and the ‘l’ were equivalent at that time)
   or wet – companion, neighbor
Wahpi – continue, keep on

The most likely meaning is “Continuous (long) rip in the bowl” which would be referring to the long tear that the lake seems to make in the mountains. An alternate meaning is “keep distant from companions” which would refer to the distance between companions at Monte Verde and the lake.

Dina Huapi

T’in – inner side of arch, concave bend
Wahpi – continue, keep on

This is not completely clear, but appears to be “continuous concave bend”, which could be a reference to the banks of the lake much of which are lined with high hills.

Con Con

Kohn – small stream

A double kohn would be a very small stream.

Nirihau (also spelled Nirihuau)

Niri – cure
Ha’ – water
Wa’ – being

The most likely meaning is “curing water”. Nirihau is located at the source of a stream that flows in to the lake. Thus, it would be referring to the quality of the water at the Nirihau spring. If, instead, the original place name is Nirihuau, then the meaning would be “being cured”, which is quite similar to former meaning.

There are more place names surrounding Bariloche to be explored but this small sample should make it clear that Bariloche was part of the Monte Verde cultural complex in the 12,500 to 10,500 BCE period. I know that many of the names in the area also might have significance in Mapudungun (Mapuche), but they may have adopted meanings to existing place names.

One branch of the Monte Verde culture might have remained in southern Chile and the Bariloche area of Argentina, but it is clear that the main settlement - the one that maintained the Ch'orti' language line, at least, moved in about 10,500 BCE. Next I’ll explore the various migrations of the Monte Verde First People, starting, surprisingly, with the far north of the continent.