Part 3 in a 5-part series on the tsunami of 7200 BCE in Mesoamerica. Part 1 Part 2
The Tlapaneca
The Kiche’ had extended beyond Lago Coatepeque over the years since their 8200 BCE beginning at the lake, including south toward the ocean and had sailing communities on the Sonsonate coast. Like communities elsewhere on the coast of El Salvador, some were swept out to sea in the tsunami of 7200 BCE and survived. The names on the southwest coast of Sonsonate indicate that there were Kiche’ communities there that also were swept out to sea. Cauta drops the ‘b’ consonant and would be kab bu ut ta or “remains of the hold-in-mouths gashed open.” Kab or "hold-in-mouth" was a designation for the Kiche'. Rio Suncita is su un si it ta and means “remains of many youth in the blowing layer.” It has a second meaning of “foreign,” indicated the belief that the tsunami came from somewhere else. Nearby Monzon is mo on soh on and means “previously trapped, previously the curve (blade),” indicating that it was the source of the Tlapaneca and the first hint that they decided not to continue the human sacrifice practice.
Sonsonate uses a similar structure as Monzon - a rare double on - so on so on nat te, meaning “previously on the curve (wave), previously with the curve (blade), distant on the branches.” It is named specifically for the Tlapaneca people. The Sonsonate River name was a longstanding reminder of hope for all Kiche people that human sacrifice could be a practice of the past. This means that those who named the Sonsonate River did so in defiance of the leaders of the Kiche based at Lago Coatepeque. Also, Tepetoro is tep pet to or ro and means “loose ones sacrificed by the hard crest of the pouring (tide).” It has a double meaning of “free from the sacrificing of the leaders,” indicating that it was named after word was received back from the survivors in Mexico that they didn’t practice sacrifice. Acajutla is ak’ ka ach chu ut la or “tired of the guards who open the skin of the turtle beginners.” Turtle beginners refer to the first born of the pregnant women (turtles). The Kiche’ (Tlapaneca) who left from this area were tired of the sacrifice practice.
This group of Kiche’ survivors who made it to Mexico seem to have arrived near Marquelia, Guerrero, 110 kilometers east of Acapulco. These survivors called themselves Tlapanec: tal la ap pa an ek’ – “tired bodies arrive from swinging on the current under the stars.” The tla prefix in Mexico would become indicative of the Tlapanec. It has a second meaning of “remnant tired of the swinging at the body,” indicating that they quickly decided to stop the human sacrifice practice, as indicated above. Marquelia is mar k’el li ha’ and means “the time of being beside the bad water that gashed.” It also indicates their position next to the Otomi. One kilometer west of Marquelia is Islaltepec. It is is la al te pek’ in Mi and means “time of being tired on hill after moving on the branches,” with a double meaning of “time of moving the tired ones on wood (dug-outs) to the hills.” This indicates that they helped the Otomi women who were escaping.
Copala is k’op pah al lah and means “time of gathering the bodies from the water,” referring to corpses on the shore from the tsunami. Its double meaning refers to helping the escaping Otomi women: “boats for those tired of the teeth (blade).” Cuautepec, a little inland, was meant to sound like Coatepeque, the original home of the Kiche’, and is ka wa ut tep pek’ in Mi and means “hard hills of the beings with openings at the beginning.” Coacoyulichan has coa referring to Coatepeque and coy referring to the chewers, making a clear reference to Lago Coatepeque in El Salvador and the Quiche. K’o ak’ k’oy ul li cha an is “chewers explain about running from the blade and double skin beside,” with a double meaning of “breaking through.” When the Tlapanec decided not to practice human sacrifice it also was a commitment to help those escaping from the practice.
The Tlapaneca seem to have moved to Laguna Chautengo soon after landing at Copala. Laguna Chautengo is distinctive for having two islands near the entrance of the lagoon to the ocean. Chautengo is cha ut ten k’o, which means “clearing on the two teeth at the opening.” “Clearing” has the implied meaning of a person-made living site. The second meaning of Chautengo is consistent with the nickname of the Tlapaneca, which is Yopi or yor ro pi, meaning “companions free of striking.” The name also employs a convention where an unusual syllable like ten is meant to convey extra meanings through the insertion of three “droppable” consonants, the ‘m’, ‘p’, and ‘r’. Undropping them, Ten then becomes temen, tepen, and teren. The extra meanings are “shade (nighttime),” “separate,” “descend,” “wilderness,” “women,” and “paddlers.” All of these refer to Otomi women separating at night paddling in the wilderness of the ocean, occasionally descending. The spelling of paddler, len, makes it clear it is referring to the Poto (female) portion of the Otomi. Maya-related people would spell it lep. At Chautengo the Tlapaneca helped the escaping women to move further east, becoming the Chatino.
The Otomi, part 1
The tsunami scattered people to places they never imagined living and brought people together who would otherwise never be together. Nowhere was this truer than with the Otomi. The Otomi landed near Laguna Coyuca, just west of Acapulco, Mexico. Actually it’s not that simple. The first to land it would seem was a single man from the Kiche’-Cakchiquel communities on the coast of southeast Sonsonate, El Salvador. The name Barra de Coyuca is ba ar ra at te ek’ k’oy yuk k’a in Mi and means “the time of the tired body(ies) on the branches in the bath under the stars, satisfied to the be joining the chewer(s).” The chewer is a clear reference to the Cakchiquel who were the main users of tobacco in early times. But Coyuca was named by the person joining the Cakchiquel man: a Poto woman, with Poto being indicated by other names. Coyuca has a double meaning of “sadness at the beginning,” indicating the mixed feelings of the woman.
The name Chinameca shows up near Acapulco and indicates that the second party to land here was from Olmeka (Poto) heritage. In this context Chinameka is chi in am ek’ ha, meaning “one spidering (swimming) in the large water under the stars.” It indicates one person of Olmeka heritage.
The name Otomi also gives a clue about who the woman was. Otomi is ot to om mi, meaning “shelter for those sacrificed by the cats in the foam (at Isla Tigre),” referring to one of the four groups that left Isla Tigre due to human sacrifice practice. The name Otomi repeats three of the letters of Poto, one of the Chibchab (Olmeka-related) groups in Nicaragua, indicating that it was a Poto person(s) who landed at Coyuca. The mi in Otomi frequently referred to the Maya, i.e. Cakchiquel, indicating that the Otomi were a combination of Poto and Maya.
Nearby on the coast is the name Luces en el Mar, which in Mi is luz tze etz zen hel mar and means “upright one observing the woman with knowledge of swimming in the sea.” The Kiche’ man was standing (already there), impressed that the Poto woman made it. “Upright” may also have a sexual connotation. After the Poto back in Nicaragua heard about this name, likely from a visit, they sarcastically named a place on the Nicaraguan coast Aposentillo, or ap po os sen ti il lo, which means “one set down (swimming) sees person with knowledge of swinging (a blade) and opening a hole (in the body),” implying that all the person could do was human sacrifice. Luces en el Mar helps to confirm that it was a Poto woman and a Cakchiquel man.
Los Mogotes also speaks of the moment when the two parties saw each other. From the Cakchiquel man’s perspective, it is lo os mo ok’ k’o ot te etz in Mi and means “observe the loose one on the branches who had been trapped, set down, of those who had sought shelter from being split open by the blade.” Like the name Otomi, it references those who fled human sacrifice at Isla Tigre. The Otomi were the most ironic of all possible combinations: the descendant of those who first started human sacrifice (Cakchiquel) and the descendant of the first ones to be sacrificed (Olmeka/Poto).
Espinalillo is etz pi in al il li lo and means “time of observing the one loose companion beside who is seeing.” This seems like it might be a name the woman gave when she saw the loose (unattached) man onshore. As she observed him, he observed her. Nearby Conchero seems to be a sexual reference, although not necessarily consensual. It is k’o on che her ro in Mi and means “previously from the tooth handles the loose woman.” “Previously from the tooth” is a reference to Coatepeque Lake with the tooth-like walls, the ancient home of the Kiche’ and Cakchiquel.
Tuncingo, near Acapulco, was probably named by the Poto woman at the time of the awkward moment of having a baby knowing that the Kiche’-Kakchiquel tradition was to sacrifice the first child. Tuncingo is tu un ci in k’o is “corpse of the first child of the tz’i (dog) and the tooth.” A nickname of the Poto (and Xinca) was dogs. The Kiche’-Cakchiquel were known as the teeth. This may have been when the Coyuca name was created, which on the surface is “joined to the chewer at the beginning” but has a second meaning of “with the chewer happy but sad.” Happy she didn’t die alone but sad that her first baby was killed. This may be the origin of the Central American saying, “Que yuca!”
Before the baby was sacrificed near Tuncingo, the Kakchiquel man explained the reasoning behind the practice. This is stated in the name Acapulco. It is ak’ k’ap ul k’o and means “hold-in-mouth explains the tooth (blade) on the skin.” Hold-in-mouth is an expression for the tobacco chewing Cakchiquel.
One name near the coast speaks about the bodies that began to wash ashore. Cobadonga, near Acapulco, is k’ob ba at to on k’ar and means “gather the retained bodies at the bath, those who used to sacrifice.” This indicates that the bodies were coming from the Totonac communities along the La Libertad coast. "Used to sacrifice" was an expression for the Totonac.
Aguacatillo, near Tuncingo, is ak’ wa ak’ k’at ti il lo and means “see the beings free from the opening of the skin cross the covering.” The name indicates that women began to escape along the ocean shore. The k’at syllable in the middle seems to indicate help from Cuscatlano persons, likely from the Amuzgo. Aguacatillo has a prefix -agua- it shares with Nicaragua’s suffix and a suffix -tillo-, like Ocotillo, that it shares with many names in northwest Nicaragua, including Somotillo, Jiquilillo, and Aposentillo. This indicates that Aguacatillo and the presence of the Amuzgo may have given great hope not only to Otomi women but also to Poto back in Nicaragua. Nearby Carabali is k’ar ra ab ba al li and means “time of the being tired of the swinging at the retained bodies beside.” A second meaning is “boat beside stroking.” An Amuzgo boat.
Tixtlancingo is somewhat inland. It is ti ix ta al la an si in k’o in Mi, meaning “the time of the remnant of several first ones moving from the mouth of the fatigued current (Laguna Coyuca) to the teeth (hills).” The phrase “several first ones” is not referring to a large origin group but rather more than one line or lineage. The name then says who those lineages were: the lan, “fatigued current,” a nickname for the Olmeca who lived near the nearly tide-less Gulf of Fonseca (of which the Poto were a part); and the k’o or teeth, the Cakchiquel, as explained above. The name also has a double meaning of “movement of several in the current tired of the opening of the first-born by the blade,” indicating the moment that pregnant women - descendants of the first two Otomi - began to attempt escape by sea.
Ocotillo, east of Tixtlancingo, is near the place of rebellion of the Otomi and seems to indicate the start of the rebellion. It is ok’ k’o ot ti il lo and means “see those sheltered from the opening blade splitting off free.” Like other names it has second meanings referring to the Chibchab and the Cakchiquel. Ocotillo also shares a prefix with Playa Ocosme in Nicaragua where the Poto woman may have been from. It’s not clear which came first but one of the names came after a visit by boat to the other place. Ocosme is ok’ k’o os mer and means “failure of the teeth to split open the one(s) set down,” expressing the lack of trust in the Kiche’-Cakchiquel and surprise that they had not killed the female survivor.
Where did the Cakchiquel side of the Otomi come from? In the southeast part of the Sonsonate coast, Playa Sihuapilapa is si wa ap pi il la pa: “see the swinging bodies of many tired beings.” This name seems to have been created after news came of survivors making it to Mexico because it has a double meaning of “continue in the waterway.” It has a third meaning that indicates it was the source of the Cakchiquel portion of the Otomi people: “companion who saw the Tzi being (Poto woman) who later grew tired of swinging at the body.” The name seems to also be part of the later inspiration for the Toltec name Cihuatan, El Salvador, built by the Otomi and Cakchiquel, as well as the Totonac. Not far from Sihuapilapa is Amatal. Amatal reuses the name of the first entry point of the Mesoamerican people 1400 years earlier, since the original Amatal, 60 kilometers to the east, was memorializing the person(s) who lost their life on the sea journey from South America to Central America. Amatal here is am ma at ta al or “the time of the remains of the spiders (sailors) in the bad bath.” But Amatal also indicated the source of the bad Otomi remnant, those that continued the sacrifice practice, just as Amatal, La Libertad, seemed to indicate the source of the Huave.
The Amuzgo
Among the westernmost of the Cuscatlan (Lempa Maya) remnants in Mexico are the Amuzgo, 260 kilometers west of the Triqui and 470 kilometers west of the Zapoteca, although they did not arrive directly to Guerrero. They first arrived to Oaxaca in the tsunami as either Triqui or Zapoteca, moving later to Guerrero. Coastal names do not indicate an arrival from the tsunami. The coastal town of Barra de Tecoanapa indicates an origin of Tecoluca, El Salvador, which is near where the Zapoteca originated at the mouth of the Lempa River, linking the Amuzgo to the Zapoteca. The name Amuzgo suggests they deliberately moved from Oaxaca to Guerrero as the best sailors among the Zapoteca. It is am mu us k’or – “capable spidering (sailing) transport in the hole (ocean).” It has a double meaning of “teeth” or “blades”, indicating that they were transporting people (pregnant women) escaping from the blades of the Otomi and perhaps the Huave as well. The name was a virtual advertisement to Otomi women - enter the water and we will transport you to safety.
The name Barra de Tecoanapa, Guerrero, indicates it was an early settlement site of the Amuzgo. The Teco prefix matches Tecoluca in San Vicente, El Salvador, along the lower Lempa River. Tecoluca was probably named just after the tsunami so Tecoanapa would have been named after a visit from lower Lempa people. Barra de Tecoanapa is bar ra te ek’ k’o an ap ba and means “boats for those tired of the swinging blade on the body, on wood (dug-outs) under the stars.”
The inland name Quetzalapa is also a reference to San Vicente. Laguna Talquetzal, in the lower Lempa, may have been the first place that the ancestors of the Maya saw a quetzal bird after they arrived from South America. Quetzalapa is kech tz’a al la ap pa, and means “the time of transporting in the wetness those tired of the swinging at the body.” It also has a double meaning: “tired of the swinging at the body by the possessors.”
San Luis Acatlan is san lus sak’ k’at la an and means “search for swimmers crossing the wet current tired of running.” The name contains the suffix lan, the typical expression for the Gulf of Fonseca and the Olmeca lineage, including the Poto women who in part founded the Otomi. The name Igualapa is ik’ wa al lap ha’ and means “time of beings stroking the water in the wind.” But it also seems to show amorous activity between the Otomi women and the Amuzgo. Its double meaning is “time of Ik’ (Amuzgo) and beings rubbing bodies.”
The Amuzgo appear to be responsible for the introduction of cacao to Mexico. Perhaps without the Amuzgo there would be no mole. Cuajinicuilapa is an important cultural name, it is ka wa hin nic wih il ap ba or “beings see satisfying hanging (fruit) food with origin in Jinotega, Nicaragua,” with a double meaning of “for tiredness.” The syllables jinic are a reference to Jinotega, Nicaragua, identified in Chapter 5 as the origin of cacao, along with Matagalpa. While the name could indicate that the Amuzgo found cacao in the wild, other names indicate it was brought by raft from Nicaragua. The Amuzgo were likely growing the cacao back in the lower Lempa before the tsunami. Otherwise the appearance of the cacao here seems quite random. In El Salvador they likely had received the cacao from the Miskito/Matagalpa who had discovered it. The Miskito are from the same lineage as the Amuzgo. The name indicates that the Matagalpa discovered cacao prior to the tsunami (~7220 BCE).
Maldonado is at the shore south of Cuajinicuilapa where the cacao was first brought in. Maldonado is ma al to on nat tob and means “the time of the pods from distant ones whose ancestors were sacrificed by the bad ones.” This would fit the Miskito. It has a double meaning of “sea” indicating how they were brought. San Nicolas is a town halfway between Maldonado and Cuajinicuilapa. San Nicolas – Sanicolach – is tz’a an nik’ k’ol lach and means “the shiny grooved one (cacao pod) from Nicaragua transported on the current.” This name likely also references San Nicolas Lempa in the lower Lempa valley, indicating it was named after a visit from the lower Lempa after the “Lempa” towns had been named.
Two names indicate that it was hard to grow cacao in the hard soil of the Guerrero-Oaxaca border area. San Antonio Tepetlapa is tza an to on ni ot tep et tal ap ha in Mi and means “shelter for the challenge of the hard hills for the shiny swinging one (fruit) arrived by water current from the ones previously sacrificed.” “Shelter” refers to the canopy of shade trees usually grown above the diminutive cacao trees. There is a second meaning of “pouring” referring to the hot water poured over the ground cacao. “The ones previously sacrificed” refers to the Miskito/Matagalpa. Huajintepec is wa hi in te pec and means “first beings sand the plants in the hills.” This seems to indicate that they carried sand up from the beach into the hills to try to loosen the soil. This name also references Jinotega, source of cacao, with the jin syllable.
Further up in the hills is Cacahuatepec. This name deceptively sounds like it is about peanuts but I don’t think it was initially. It is caca wat te pec or “cacao plant(er) makes a home in the hills.” It indicates a move of the Amuzgo cacao grower(s) further inland. The fact that the first four syllables of this place name became the name for peanut - cacahuate - would seem to indicate that it was the same Amuzgo who brought the peanut into Mexico from South America and it was named after this place, in part because the peanut shell, like the cacao, looks like caca. It was likely the Amuzgo communicating with their relatives, the Quechua, that is travelling to Peru, which facilitated the arrival of the peanut to Mexico. These names indicate the important role that the Amuzgo have played in Mexican agriculture.
A second group of Amuzgo seem to have settled even further west toward Acapulco at a lagoon called Tecomate. It means “bad teeth of the foamy ridge, on branches under the stars in the bath,” with a double meaning of “join Teco,” which seems to mean Barra de Tecoanapa. From Tecomate they were in good position to rescue escaping Otomi women and have them join other escaped Otomi at Tecoanapa.
The Chatino
In the first few generations of the Otomi, pregnant women attempted to escape, just like the Huave women did. According to names on the Oaxaca coast, two Otomi women paddled west to the Lagunas de Chacahua National Park along the western coast of Oaxaca, 260 kilometers east of the Otomi near Acapulco. Maybe the first escaped Otomi women, it seems that these two women became the Chatino. Chacahua is cha ak’ ka ap wa in Mi, meaning “two from the swinging at the skin of the beginning beings.” The name also makes reference to Chaac, the rain god, and to “holding in the mouth,” a reference to the Kiche’-Cakchiquel. They were escaping from the wearing of the skin associated with Chaac. The name Chatino also suggests that there were only two women who founded the Chatino: cha at ti in no – “two large ones from the bath where they opened the first ones.” Large ones refer to the Poto Chibchab who were larger people like the Olmeca. Bath ones refer to those originally from Coatepeque (“teeth at the bath”).
[click to enlarge] Very near to Chacahua on the coast is Galera, which is k’al her ra, and means “women tired of the retainings.” Galera is the first evidence that only women were among the Otomi escapee group who would call themselves Chatino. A double meaning of Galera is k’a al her rab, meaning “the time of women satisfied with their stroking (paddling).”
Another name on the coast 10 kilometers west of Galera is El Azufre. It is hel la as su ub ba ar rep and means “time of the similar ones (women) tired of the practice on the surface of the body, paddling while listening.” They listened as they paddled, sneaking away from the men in their community. El Azufre seems to link linguistically with the later Subtiaba, indicating a possible Chatino/Otomi origin for the Subtiaba. Chacaija is next to Chacahua. Chacaija is cha ak’ ka ir cha or “see the two from the double skin of the beginners,” making another reference to Chaac. Two (or double) is in the name twice, making it clear that in one instance it is reiterating that there were only two founders of the Chatino, although they each were likely to be pregnant.
To the east of Chacahua is Zapotalito, which is tz’a ap po ot ta al li to in Mi, meaning “time of shelter for the remnant beside, sacrificed by swinging blows by those from the wet hole.” It has double meanings of “arrival” and “Pot,” indicating that the women were Poto - Chibchab from Nicaragua, like the Otomi female founder. Like some of the other names, it has a second sexual meaning: sap pot tal li it to in Mi, which is “sacrifice ourselves rubbed, pressed by those next to us who arrived.” The Zap prefix indicates that it was the Zapoteca who arrived and found the women and helped them. The women had arrived alone with no partners but a raft arrived giving them hope they would not die alone along with the story of their journey. This may have been the location where the Zapoteca took their name, with its close similarity to Zapotalito.
Inland about 15 kilometers is Chacalapa. It is cha ak’ k’al la ap ba in Mi, “two tired of the swinging at the skin of the retained bodies.” This is another name referring to being tired of Chaac and the double skin ritual. This name might also have a sexual meaning, “time of being tired and happy, two swinging skin bodies.” The double sexual meanings indicate that while the Chatino are mostly Otomi, they might have a mix of Zapoteca as well. The Otomi themselves are a mix of Kiche and Poto (Chibchab).
A place name to the west of Chacalapa is Santa Maria Chicometepec, which is san ta am ma ar ri ach chi ik’ k’o om et tep ek’. This means “the time of the challenge of remnant of large swollen turtles spidering under stars of the sky in the current from the foam beside the bad hard blades.” The remnant is called large because the Poto, like the Chibchab and Olmeca, come in part from the Xibalba, a taller race of people. The bad hard blades are the Otomi guards. The name has a double meaning of “join Ik’ (Zapoteca) in hard hills of the interior.”
The Purepecha
Another Mexican indigenous group has roots in the flood, the Purepecha, like the Otomi and Chatino, partially from Nicaragua. Today’s Purepecha are primarily based in Michoacan. Purepecha is pur rep pech cha, which means “two orphans paddle on the up and down (ocean).” While the two survivors may have been orphaned by the storm, the use of “orphan” in the name is a clear reference to the Chibchab, who used the same name in the aftermath of the earlier human sacrifice episode at Isla Tigre. In addition, the word two could mean a group of survivors from two communities in Nicaragua. The second syllable rep indicates a second origin that is not Chibchab or Olmeka, but rather is from one of the other three lineages (Ch’orti, Kiche, or Cuscatlan). This will be revisited, but first we’ll look at the Nicaragua reference.
Beside the Otomi (female) origin of Chinandega, an examination of the Nicaraguan coast reveals a second location where people were swept out to sea – just west of Leon. San Juan Venado is san wa’ an ben nat toh is “beings sacrificed in the swollen current and lost in the distance.” Distance seems to refer to the Poto women who made it to Guerrero. Rio Telica is beside the town of Poneloya. It is te hel li ik’ k’a and means “women on the branches satisfied to be beside the wind (Ik’).” This name was clearly given after the Nicaragua communities heard about the survivors making it to Mexico. Ik’ seems a clear reference to the Ik’ lineage. The literal meaning “sky” or “wind” doesn’t really fit in the name. Finally, the female reference (hel) – literally “the other” – seems to indicate that all the survivors were women.
Poneloya, on the beach, is po on ne hel lo yar and means “the others (woman/women) formerly from the tail (river) hurled loose into the hole.” “Formerly from the tail” could be a reference to the Telica River. Poneloya also makes a female reference, so clearly it was also named after news of the survivors reached back to Nicaragua.
The names of the Guerrero coastal communities east of the mouth of the Balsas River tell the story of arrival of the Purépecha. They appear to have landed at Los Organos, which is or k’a an no os in Mi, meaning “happy to be set down by the large crest of the current.” Ixtapa may have been one of the first names given. It is ix ta ap ha’ or “remnant moved in the swinging water.”
Ixtapa-Zihuatenejo By Alejandro Linares Garcia (Own work) [GFDL or CC-BY-SA-3.0-2.5-2.0-1.0], via Wikimedia Commons
Some of the bodies of the Sonsonate Kiche seemed to wash ashore near Ixtapa. East of Los Organos is La Majahua or ma cha wa, meaning “two bad beings,” seeming to refer to two bodies in the water. They called them bad because they seemed to recognize them as Kiche’ - those responsible for the sacrifice death of their own ancestors. A little further east is Pantla – pa an tal la or “arrival in the current of the tired bodies.” The ones who got tired in the journey did not make it.
The two women would have grown old and died alone, along with their story and their place names telling of their heroic journey on the ocean and telling of seeing the bodies wash upon the shore, except for what happened next. A sail raft appeared near the present-day town of Valentin. Valentin is bal len ti in and means “paddlers and boat from the first mouth.” Using the syllable len shows that the paddlers (women) were Poto (Chibchab), who like the Olmeca, used len rather than leb for “paddler.” Valentin also says where the boat was from. The first mouth refers to the first large river that the ancestors of the Mesoamerican people, including the Poto women, encountered as they started walking in the first days in El Salvador after arriving from South America: the Lempa River. The boat (raft) was from the mouth of the Lempa, making them Lempa Maya, i.e. Cuscatlan or Ulua, closely related to the Zapoteca. Ironically, the love relationship between the Cuscatlan men and the Poto women began at a place called Valentin.
About 10 kilometers inland from the present-day Zihuatanejo airport is the small village of La Boloncha. This has a double meaning. The first is bo ol lo on cha, which means “the two previously loose on the crest of the hole,” referring to the tsunami. The second meaning is simply two numbers. Bolon means 9 and cha means 2. So Boloncha is “the 9 and the 2,” indicating that there were two women and nine sailors who had arrived on the raft. It is possible that the number 9 (bolon) was named at this time.
But the women also knew that they needed men to survive and have future generations. Two place names indicate that this took care of itself, perhaps one name for each woman. Barra de Potosi is on the coast about 10 kilometers west of Valentin. The name has at least three meanings. The first is ba ar ra te po ot to os si or “The time of being set down tired, finding shelter, many sacrificed bodies in the hole (ocean).” This meaning seems to demonstrate the conversation that the women had with the sailors, telling of their tsunami experience. A second meaning is quite explicit in indicating an amorous relationship: ba ar at tep pot to os si and means “the time of sacrificing ourselves to the many, set down, hard bodies pressing.” The many here simply means plural, i.e. could mean two. The third meaning simply refers to the boat or raft.
The name Potosi, meaning “the Poto dogs (guides),” may have become an indicator of the presence of the Purepecha in Mexico, as well as a possible migration to Bolivia.
A second nearby name, San Jeronimito, refers to the Poto origins of the women who arrived in the tsunami. It is tz’a an che her ro on ni im mi it to and means “handle women loose in the wetness whose ancestors ran from the sacrificial blasts of the cats on the hill.” I believe that “handle women” was an expression for amorous relations.
The Poto women and Cuscatlan men continued to share stories. The women asked what happened on Isla Tigre after their people had fled the human sacrifice practice. This is known from the town of Coacoyul. It is k’o ak’ k’oy ul in Mi, which means “explain the smoking and teeth (blades) on the skin.” They especially wanted to know how the practice of human sacrifice turned out.
But the men also talked about their journey to assess the damage after the tsunami, probably offering help as they went. Their journey was likely deliberate, planned by the Cuscatlan/Ulua leadership. Two names near the coast, Petatlan and Petacalco, indicate that the men had sailed at least as far north as the San Francisco Bay on the Pacific Coast, at least as far north in the Atlantic as the Bahamas and the current state of Georgia, and at least as far south as the Amazon River also on the Atlantic Coast.
The best clue that the names indicate places is atlan in Petatlan. Atlan is a very Mesoamerican construction, similar to the itlan used by the Xinca in Guatemala. Atlan is most well-known for being part of the name Atlanta in Georgia and the fabled Atlantis. The Bahamas had a specific condition – it was sinking, and the Maya (Cuscatlan more likely) had helped to figure this out. The construction of Atlantis describes this: at la an ti is or “fatigued current of the bath, movement to the opening.” What had been land previously, was slowly sinking so that it was at some point, a fatigued current (very shallow waters). The “movement to the opening” is somewhat vague but I believe it refers to the Bermuda Triangle.
The Arawak who lived spread out in the Bahamas were very affected by the tsunami. At least some survived and floated and paddled on the current until reaching the coast of Florida from Miami up to Georgia. To indicate where they came from they named a place Atlantis in today’s Palm Beach County and another place Atlanta in Georgia (which means “remnant of Atlan”). Atlan in Petatlan refers to the remnants of the Arawak originally from the Bahamas, spread out by the tsunami to Florida and Georgia. Now called the Timucua. Petatlan indicates that the raft of nine men went to help the Arawak-Timucua survivors.
The Peta in Petatlan is a rare prefix in the Americas. The only coastal place where it shows up is Petaluma, California, north of current-day San Francisco. Most of the indigenous names in the San Francisco area relate to the tsunami, indicating serious effects there. One of the most dramatic and beautiful names in the area is Petaluma, meaning “arrival of the bad pouring (tide) over land,” describing the tsunami waters coming up the Petaluma valley. The San Francisco area had a direct connection with the Cuscatlan who had arranged for various ethnicities to settle there, including the Miwok who settled in Petaluma, a few hundred years before the tsunami. This is indicated by the two examples of the name California in the lower Lempa area. The name Petaluma both indicates the range of the sailing journey of the nine Cuscatlan men on the raft, but also acknowledges their Miwok relatives who suffered greatly in the tsunami. The name Petatlan helps to make this connection.
Petacalco repeats the Peta prefix, emphasizing its usage as a literary device. Like atlan and peta, calco is an unusual prefix or suffix within a place name in the Americas. The only Calco prefix along the coasts is Calcoene, Brasil, not far north of the Amazon River. Calcoene is k’al k’o ol len ne in Mi. It means “teeth (stones) for the tail (river) paddlers retained by the crest.” I think that river paddlers refers to people who lived along the Amazon River and were swept out to sea and washed ashore near Calcoene. Calcoene might seem like a random reference until one considers that the archeological site known as the Stonehenge of the Amazon resides there. While the stones are thought to be from a couple thousands ago, the seeming reference to the stones in Petacalco would indicate that they were placed soon after the 7220 BCE tsunami. The site is called Cromlech. In Mi this would be k’ar ro om lech and means “retained in the foam, freed, then climbed up.” One or more persons were trapped under water and where able to free themselves to get to the surface. Based on the name Petacalco the raft of nine Cuscatlan men were able to travel this far to help out after the tsunami.
By Yurileveratto (Own work) [CC BY-SA 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons
There are several place names that indicate that two of the men who traveled to North and South America and the two women began a life that was the start of the Purepecha people. East of Valentin and ten kilometers off the coast is the village of Cacanicua. It is k’ak’ ka an nik wa’ in Mi and means “ran from the shaking fire beings at the beginning.” The shaking fire beings were the ones lighting up and smoking tobacco on Isla Tigre or shaking when they didn’t have tobacco. The name Cacanicua is also a clear reference to Nicaragua, their place of origin. This name helps to establish that Nicaragua was named by its first residents soon after they left Isla Tigre in about 8250 BCE. The name also makes a reference to Ik’, an identifier of the Cuscatlan-Ulua people who made up the male component of the Purepecha.
El Parotal and La Parotita are 10 to 20 kilometers inland and seemed to be named for each other. El Parotal is par ro ot tal in Mi and means “shelter for the one(s) who arrived in a boat and the loose one(s).” It seems to be the site of one (or two) of the first houses of the new Purepecha families. The name emphasizes again the unattached status of the women who probably lost partners in the tsunami. La Parotita is almost the same: par ro ot ti it ta, meaning “shelter for the loose one(s) and the remnant from the blowing (sail) boats from the mouth.” This name indicates that only a portion of the men stayed (likely two) and that the men came from the river mouth (Lempa) or upstream from there.
It was probably sometime after this first generation settled in the hills that the place Zihuatanejo was named on the coast. Zihuatanejo is si wat ta an ne ho in Mi or “several happy remnants make a home on current of the tail (river),” with a double meaning of “interior.” The several remnants simply mean the two lineages (Poto, related to the Olmeca, and the Cuscatlan or Ulua, related to the Zapoteca).
About 70 kilometers southeast of Ixtapa and Zihuatanejo is Coyuquilla – there are several nearby places with this name. Without a doubt Coyuqilla is referencing Barra de Coyuca near Acapulco and the early home of the Otomi. It is k’oy yuk’ ki il la, which means “see the dear ones who had been joined to the chewers.” It seems to indicate seeing for the first time the Otomi women, or an Otomi woman, escaping from the Otomi men, because of the first-born sacrifice practice. The syllable koy or “chewer” refers to the Kiche, the original male component of the Otomi. The name has a double meaning of “sadness.”
Several other names in this area have a double meaning: on the one hand referring to the Kiche bodies washing ashore from El Salvador soon after the tsunami, but also many years later to the arrival of the escaping pregnant women from the Otomi.
- Papanoa or pa ap an no ha: “swinging bodies in the current of the big water.” It also refers to women escaping the Otomi: “large ones running, tired of the leaders who swing at the body.” The Poto were known as larger people due to their partial Xibalba heritage.
- Loma Bonita or lo om ma ab bo on ni ta: “loose remains in the foam of those whose ancestors were bad on the hill by the hole.” This refers to the volcano on Isla Tigre where the human sacrifices took place. “Those whose ancestors were bad” would be the Kiche. The second meaning is “remnant free from the bad ones who swung (a blade) up on the hill at the foamy hole” - also referring to Isla Tigre and the Poto who escaped.
- El Tular or hel tu ul la ar: “the time of the women who explain being tired of the corpses.” While this meaning is clear, the name is also a clear reference to Tulan, the ancient place on Isla Tigre, the Poto’s last reference point for those who would become the Kiche’ Maya.
- San Luis de la Loma (next to El Tular) or tza’ an lus te hel la al lo om ma: “women swimmers on branches in the wet foamy current, tired of the badness, free.” Some of the women (or at least one) escaping the Otomi swam all the way from Acapulco on branches, 110 kilometers. The lal syllable is an indicator for the Kiche, another clue this name involves the Otomi.
- San Luis San Pedro or san lus tz’a an pet tar ro: “arrival of the swimmers running to be free in the swollen pouring (tide).” The swimmers were the Otomi women escaping by swimming on branches. The name has a double meaning of “arrived to the Pet,” a syllable denoting the Cuscatlan, the male lineage of the Purepecha.
- Acapulquito or ak’ ka ap pu ul ki it to: “explain about beginners cut open with blow to skin to sacrifice heart.” “Beginners” refers to the first born who were sacrificed by tradition by the Kiche’. This name was clearly named after Acapulco, 110 kilometers to the southeast, an early home of the Otomi.
The various ethnicities in Mexico likely travelled back to El Salvador for corn seed stock, hybridizing it with the teosinte found in Mexico. The Purepecha may have been leaders in this process. Corn dated from 6700 to 7200 BCE was found in the Balsas valley, an area near the border of Michoacan, Guerrero and Mexico state. While this is closer to the Otomi landing location, the Purepecha landed near the mouth of the Balsas River and were much more likely to have reached this location near the Balsas River by 7200 BCE - the ancient Mesoamericans seemed to travel faster by river than over land. This area is within the current natural range of balsas teosinte and the Purepecha would have been capable of hybridizing corn from teosinte, given their knowledge base from El Salvador. It appears that they soon shared the hybridized corn with the Zapoteca in the area of Tehuacan, Puebla, where remnants of Balsas corn have also been found. The Purepecha and the Zapoteca were from the same lineage (on the male side of the Purepecha). It was necessary to continue hybridizing corn with teosinte to make it more drought and weed resistant and a stronger plant. By 7200 BCE it is possible that the range of balsas teosinte had shifted definitively northwest from Central America to southwest Mexico.
The name of the central Mexico volcano Popocatepetl indicates that the Purepecha traveled early to the region of the central valley of Mexico. Popocatepetl is pop (baking) po ok’ k’at tep pet ta al and means “the time of crossing to the baked residue from the hard split open pouring through hole.” Crossing refers to the move from the Pacific Ocean to central Mexico. Popocatepetl has two cultural markers for the Ik’ lineage, k’at and pet, indicating that it was likely named by the Purepecha, since pet is a syllable specific to the Purepecha and Ulua. The Choluteca named nearby Iztaccihuatl Mountain and Cholula. The phrase popo apparently was used later to indicate explosives, likening the gunpowder explosion to the volcanic eruption. This is seen in the name Popoluca and in the name of the Quiche history Popol Vu, which indicates the defeat of the Olmeca, some of the foremost explosive workers.
The names of the deities of the Purépecha are translatable using Mi. One deity is Kurikaweri and is the sky god, the god of war and the sun. It is k’ur ri ik’ k’a wer ri and means “satisfying beside-each-other points in the sky beside the rip (lake),” referring to the triple star event (points beside each other) of 8208 BCE, described in Chapter 3. But in the case of the Poto side of the Purepecha, they were likely beside Lake Managua not on Isla Tigre. The double “beside” in the name is probably meant to describe the three planets right next to each other. A second meaning of the name is quite sexual, describing the arrival of the Lempa Maya and a sexual partner: k’ur Ik’ ka wer ri is “point (penis) of Ik’ (lineage name) beside the tear of the woman/women at the beginning.” A third meaning of this name might come from Africa, meaning “points (spears) beside Ik’ at the beginning beside the rips (Great Lakes of Africa).” The Mesoamerican people seemed to recognize Ik’ (Sky) as the name of one of the leaders as early humans moved out of Africa to escape repression.
A second deity is Kwerawaperi and she is the creator and mother earth goddess. Kwerawaperi refers to the difficult journey that the two women made watching the people around them tire and die along the way. It is ka we her ra wa ap per ri and means “beings tired and collapsing in the swinging beside the flesh of other (female) at the beginning.” A second meaning also refers to Africa, like the first deity name, ka wer ra wa ap per ri: “beings tired of the collapsed ones from the swinging at the beginning beside the rips (Great Lakes of Africa).” The use of the syllable wer (“tear”) is rare in the Americas, while commonly used to describe the Great Lakes of Africa region. A third meaning of this name is “beings tired of the swings at the collapsed being (just born) at the side” which could refer both to the escaping Otomi women and what occurred earlier on Isla Tigre.
A third deity, Xaratenga, is the offspring of the first two and represents the west, perhaps indicating that it was the offspring who moved west and north to present day Michoacan. Xaratenga is the goddess of the sea and the moon and is cha ar ra at ten k'a in Mi. This means "time of the two (families) tired and happy to make a clearing at the bath." The structure of the name suggests that the two men who in part founded the Purepecha were from upriver on the Lempa River in Chalatenango. Xaratenga could also be written or pronounced as Chalatenga, a very similar sound as Chalatenango.
In fact, the name Potonico in Chalatenango indicates it was the source of the men who sailed throughout the Americas and then close to shore in Guerrero, finding the Poto women and staying there to found the Purepecha. Potonico is po ot to on ni ik’ k’or or “wind transport to those sheltered from the hole (ocean) whose ancestors were sacrificed on the hill (Isla Tigre volcano).” Embedded in the name are the phrases Poto (the ethnicity of the women they found), nic for Nicaragua (where the women were from), and Ik’ for their own lineage. The men would have been Ulua, closely related to the Cuscatlan.
Four other names in El Salvador, in Cuscatlan department, also speak about the events of the Ulua-Cuscatlan raft encountering the two Poto women. While two Potonico men stayed to found the Purepecha, it appears that at least some of the other members of the raft lived about 30 kilometers south of Potonico in the current-day department of Cuscatlan:
- Santa Cruz Michapa - tz’a an ta ak’ ruz mi cha ap ba - “two swimmers in the wetness from the remnant that ran from the Mi swinging at the skin of the body.” Mi refers to the Maya who started human sacrifice on Isla Tigre; the Chibchab (Poto) were one of four groups that ran. Two double meanings are “Ik’” - the Ulua who found the two swimmers and “Mich” referring to Michoacan and mining. It seems that the northwest coast of Guerrero was originally considered part of Michoacan.
- Tepechapa - te pech cha ap ha - “the two orphans on branches on the swinging water.” The clear use of orphans here is a clear marker for the Poto women. Only the Poto and Chibchab were called orphans.
- Tenancingo - te nan tzi in k’o - “dog women on branches, first in the blade.” Dog (Tzi) women was an expression for the various Olmeca ethnic groups, like the Poto because they were the first to take the place of dogs as sacrifice objects by the Kakchiquel and others, i.e. the first in the blade. Tenango has a similar meaning.
- San Pedro Perulapan - san pet tar ro per ul ap pa an - “explain (to Peru) the arrival to the loose collapsed bodies in the pouring (tidal), swollen, swinging current.” The positioning of Peru in the name is clear. The Cuscatlan-Ulua made a trip to Peru after the tsunami to see how people were, sometime after their encounter with the Poto (Purepecha) women. The neighboring town of San Bartolome Perulapia appears to have been named in the post-Classic period over 8200 years later. Its meaning fits events of that period in Peru much more than the post-tsunami time period. But a similarly structured name was used to link the two events.
The Otomi, part 2
Guerrero is named for the early Otomi. It is k’er her ro and has a double meaning. First, describing the Poto women who survived the tsunami: “loose and cut up others (women).” Guerrero indicates that the Poto survivor(s) was female. Loose has a double meaning – first, they were loose in the water and they were without men. Second, it describes the liberation of the Otomi women from the sacrifice regime of the Otomi men. In this context, Guerrero means “women free of the gashing.” This section tells the story of the liberation of the Otomi women.
As generations passed, the Otomi children (i.e. those not first-born) likely heard the narrative of both the Poto side and the Kiche side, creating a type of schizophrenia. During the first several generations, several pregnant women successfully left the Otomi, as evidenced by the Chatino and the name Coyuquilla in the Purepecha area. The practice of the first-born child sacrifice seems to have continued among the Otomi until a rebellion broke out, at Xaltianguis, 30 kilometers north of Acapulco. Xaltianguis is cha al ti an k’i is and means “time of the movement of the two who ran from opening of the heart.” This name presages the name Chalatenango, highlighting who would come to help. The two rebels from human sacrifice, most likely pregnant women, ran north more or less along the present-day highway from Acapulco to Chilpancingo. No doubt these were not the first pregnant women to try to escape the bad practice by running into the mountains. But what followed was unique.
Solapa is a little north: so ol la ap pa – “tired of the leaders who swing the curve at the body.” Curve refers to a blade. A double meaning is tz’ol, meaning “story,” indicating the beginning of names that would tell the story and also linking to the Ch’orti’ phrase tz’olkin - “story of the first dear ones (first-born).” Omitlan, 20 kilometers northeast, is om mi it la an and means “tired of running from the blows of the cats from the foam.” The lan suffix indicates it was the Poto (Olmeca) heritage that ran. Foam is likely a reference back to Lago Coatepeque but also in this context could indicate bloody. Omitlan is both a town name and the name of the downstream portion of the Papagayo River, which leads to a double meaning of “cats from the blowing foam.” It indicates the sailing path taken a little later by a group that would help out the rebels.
Moving north, Palo Gordo is pa al lo ok’ k’o or to and means “time of being free of the leaders splitting the body with the blade sacrifice.” It has a double meaning of “boats of the transporters,” referring again to those who came to help. Tierra Colorado is ti her ra ak’ k’o ol lo or ra to and means “crest (hill) of the women tired of the opening of the skin, loose ones tired of the sacrifices of the leaders’ blades.”
Garrapata, a nearby village, suggests that the Otomi rebels were captured. It is k’ar ra ap pa ta or “remnant that is tired of the swinging at the body is retained,” with double meaning, k’ar rap pat ta, or “retained ones rub the pod (large belly)” (as they descended). Nearby is where the Tehuacalco archeological site is located. It is te wa ak’ k’al k’o, or “blade-on-skins retain the beings in wood (cage)” Tehua at the beginning of the name makes it clear that it was the Purepecha men who came to aid the Otomi rebels, with a similar sound as Tehuacan, their original home. “Blade-on-skins” refer to the Otomi (Kiche) pursuers. The Purepecha assisted the Otomi rebels who were retained in some sort of wooden cage. The archeological site was a memorial both to the Otomi rebels retained in the fight to end human sacrifice among the Otomi and their rescuers, the Purepecha.
There are several Cuauhtemoc references in Acapulco and Chilpancingo. The origin of this Mexican heritage name seems to be here. Cuauhtemoc is k’a wa’ ut te’ em mo’ ok’ and means “break the small opening in the wood, trapped beings descend satisfactorily.” Perhaps the wooden cages had been placed up in a tree; in any case, the Purepecha were able to help the Otomi rebels break free from the cage.
Ocotito is where some of the remnant Otomi sought shelter. It is ok’ k’o ot ti it toh or “shelter for those who split from the blade opening sacrificers.” It uses the Oco prefix to play off of Playa Ocosme in Chinandega, Nicaragua, where the Otomi women were from. Ocosme is ok’ k’o os mer and means “blader (Kiche) failed to split open the one who set down,” saying a little sarcastically that when the woman arrived she wasn’t immediately killed. Ocotito is suggesting that Ocosme isn’t true anymore – they are willing to kill the ones who they set down. It also has a double meaning of k’ot or “arrival.” Cajelitos, five kilometers north of Ocotito, indicates that one (or more) of the Otomi rebel women was killed by the Otomi men. Cajelitos is k’a ach che hel li it to os, meaning “sacrificers handle turtle woman with blows; woman who was beside them at the beginning.” Turtle woman indicates a pregnant woman. This would mean a young woman pregnant with her first child; the child destined to be sacrificed according to Otomi/Kiche tradition. The young woman ran to save her unborn child. It probably wasn’t the same woman who arrived on the shore from Nicaragua but rather a later generation.
Acahuizotla indicates that those escaping from the blades sought shelter here. It is ak’ k’ap witz so ot la and means “shelter mountain for those tired of the curve to the skin by the hold-in-mouth.” Curve is another word for the cutting blade. Hold-in-mouth refers to the chewing tobacco used by the Kiche. The name has a double meaning of “movement of the origin,” referring to the first-born.
North a little and up in the hills is Chacotla. It is describing what happened below in Palo Blanco. It is cha ak’ k’ot la and means “arrival of the two-skins to those tired (of the two-skins).” The Chaac (two-skin) sacrifice is where the skin is peeled off of the sacrificed person and worn by the shaman. Chacotla has a double meaning of “shelter from the blades,” which seems to say that the families of the Otomi rebels were sheltered there. In the valley, Palo Blanco indicates the place where the Otomi leaders were killed by the Otomi rebels and Purepecha. It is pa al lo bel la an k’o and means “time of the collapse of the bodies by those tired of and free of the blades.” The syllables pal (boat) and lan (tired current) are associated with the Purepecha and the Poto, respectively, indicating that both the Purepecha and the Otomi rebels were involved.
Then, moving further north toward Chilpancingo, one arrives to Mazatlan, the most important name in this tz’ol (story). It is ma as sat ta al la an, which means “time of the disappearance among the remnant of the bad practice, tired of running.” It indicates where the Otomi decided to forego the practice of human sacrifice, with the proponents dead at Palo Blanco. It also references the masa, first used to describe those who ran from human sacrifice at Coatepeque in El Salvador, intimating that the Otomi had now become masa or deer. Lan is a cultural indicator which here indicates that the Poto side of the family was responsible for ending the practice. The name Aztlan later derives from Mazatlan. A name present in Mazatlan, as well as nearby Chilpancingo, is Tulipanes, which comes from this era. It is tul li ip pa an ne es and means “runners observe the body-spirits of the Tul beside the tail (river).” Tul refers to the Kiche, with a reference to Tulan (Isla Tigre).
A little north is Petaquillas or pet ta ak’ ki il la as, meaning “remnant of the pouring (pet) see those tired of the practice of the skin of the heart." The Pet prefix is a reference to the Purepecha and to Petatlan, indicating that the Purepecha had assisted the Otomi rebels. In Chilpancingo is Barrio San Agustin, which is san ak’ k’us ti in, or “birth of the first of the swollen one who ran from the opening of the skin.” One pregnant woman, who had fled, gave birth to her first child, free from the bad practice, her child lived. A new Otomi culture, free of the practice of human sacrifice, was born. The name refers to Cuscatlan as well, the heritage of the male-side of the Purepecha who assisted.
