The Indigenous History of El Salvador

Some of the Pre-Hispanic History of Nicaragua

To tell the story of pre-Hispanic Nicaragua is to tell of two ancient stories and two relatively modern stories. The first ancient story is that of various peoples running away from the beginning of the first-born sacrifice regime in the Gulf of Fonseca from about 8300 BCE to 8200. Many ethnicities and several generations ran, but two ran for Nicaragua, including the Miskito who had been early Kiche people and the Chibchab people who had been early Olmeca people. Some of the Chibchab remained in Nicaragua, including the Poto and Rama, while others migrated further south. The second ancient story occurred in about 7200 BCE, and while it was a global event, it affected the Poto along Nicaragua’s northwest coast, among others. Many coastal Poto were swept out to sea; most perished, but two women survived all the way to Mexico’s central coast, one to Guerrero and one to Michoacan. The woman who landed near Acapulco, Guerrero, landed near where a few days earlier a sole Kiche man from El Salvador washed ashore. These two together became the Otomi. When the beginning Otomi culture initiated a first-born sacrifice regime, like the Kiche, the Poto side of the Otomi rebelled. Some ran into the hills to escape and became the Tlalpaneco. Much later the Tlapaneco would re-enter Nicaraguan history.

The next major migration into Nicaragua was the result of the end of Mayan development in 800 CE. The Kiche/Kakchiquel forces in Mexico and Guatemala attacked their enemies without restraint, including the peoples of Puebla, centered at Cholula, mainly the Purepecha and Cholu. Some of the Cholu fled overland to Chiapas while others fled by boat to Nicaragua, becoming the Chorotega or Choluteca people. The Chorotega settled along the Pacific coast in Nicaragua. About 250 years later events in Mesoamerica took a turn when the Pipil overturned the Toltec-Cihuatan in El Salvador. The Pipil attempted to live together with the defeated Toltec but in the case of the Kiche/Kakchiquel members of the Toltec, it was not easy. In about 1200 CE, the Kakchiquel warriors left to settle the less controlled Nicaragua, becoming the NIcarao.

The Nicarao were likely the aggressors in Nicaragua, forcing many Chorotega to flee north to Honduras and others to flee south the Costa Rica. But more than the Chorotega, it is likely that the Miskito were the primary target of the Nicarao, as they were former Kiche/Kakchiquel, albeit from 10,000 years earlier. At that time the Kiche were enforcing a first-born sacrifice regime on all other groups as well as themselves. The Miskito were a group of Kiche who rejected the sacrifice regime and fled from the Gulf of Fonseca to northeastern Nicaragua. But memories were long in the Americas. The Nicarao knew that the Kiche/Miskito had fled Kiche violence rather than conform to the norms of Kiche sacrifice culture. The Miskito heartland on the north Atlantic coast of Nicaragua was quite distant to the Nicarao in southeastern Nicaragua. For the Nicarao, the most accessible Miskito were the Matagalpa, those who much earlier had discovered cacao. It appears that the Matagalpa were heavily victimized by the Nicarao. Some Matagalpa fled to eastern El Salvador and became the Cacaopera. Cacaopera is cacao op per ra is “Cacao workers tired of the dancers.” Matagalpa is the origin of cacao. Dancers in the name refers to the Nicarao, carrying on an ethnic marker from the Kiche/Kakchiquel. The Cacaopera insist that they are Mayan and it is their Kiche roots from 10,200 years ago that they remember.

The Nicarao also were the aggressors against the Poto people of northwestern Nicaragua. Most of Poto fled to east-central El Salvador, next to their half-cousins, the Lenca, sometime between 1200 and 1500 CE. They became the Poton Lenca. The Poton Lenca were also half-cousins to the Quelepa Lenca who had fled from Mexico to eastern El Salvador several hundred years earlier.

While various people were fleeing the Nicarao, one group migrated to Nicaragua in order to detain the plans of the Nicarao. These were the Subtiava, who moved from Mexico to northwest Nicaragua, which, in part, was their ancestral home. The Subtiava were a group of Tlapaneco, who in turn were a split off from the Otomi, who in turn were a mix of Poto and Kiche from the time of the tsunami (~7200 BCE). The Subtiava were returning to their Poto origin area. The Tlapaneco split from the Otomi very early, likely before 6000 BCE, opposing the first-born sacrifice regime of the early Otomi. The Tlapaneco continued living in the mountains of Guerrero while the Otomi migrated further north in Mexico. Subtiava is su ub ti av va or “listen on the plain for those who open with the swings at the body.” Both su and ub are ethnic markers for the Kiche/Kakchiquel, indicating the Kiche origin (in part) of the Tlapaneco.

The Subtiava lived in present-day Leon. While the name Leon likely does date from the time of the Spanish, it likely does not refer to a place in Spain but rather refers to the Subtiava. In the first language it is le on or “former paddlers,” with the spelling of paddlers could only refer to the Kiche/Kakchiquel in the Americas. Or, as things work out, the name Leon could refer both to a place in Spain and to the Subtiava. The Subtiava were likely referring to the Spanish settlers of Leon.

Telica is an active volcano that has been erupting for at least the last 500 years. Telica is an example of several names that the Subtiava gave to the first Spanish settlers of Nicaragua. Telica is tel li ik’ ka or “beside the beginning of the ridge to the sky.” This indicates the beginning of the Telica eruptions, the first two of which were 1527 to 1529. “Ridge to the sky” seems to indicate the Telica eruptions. The dates coincide closely with the arrival of the Spanish in 1524 when they founded Leon. Telica has a double meaning referring to the Spanish, which is te el li ik’ ha or “foreigners from the trees by the river next to the Sky.” The origin place of the foreigners is not Spain but rather where the Spaniard Indo-Europeans came from before the massive Indo-European migration to Spain and Europe generally between 1800 and 1200 BCE. Common in Russian and European names is the phrase “trees by the river,” which refers to the early “Indo-European” culture based along the Yenesei River. Further consolidating this meaning is the additional phrase “next to the Sky.” At the beginning, in about 7500 BCE, a Sky man (Cuscatlan) accompanied a Wall man (Itza) against his will from Canada to Siberia to begin the Indo-Euporean culture. It was the descendants of the Sky man who later freed many Indo-European people from the bondage of their leaders. The name Telica cleverly proclaims that the Subtiava knew who the Spaniards were and where they came from – a history that the Spaniards themselves had long forgotten.

It appears that the Subtiava also named Esteli at about the same time, to the northeast. Esteli shares the teli two syllables with Telica. Esteli is es te el li or “observe beside the ones from the trees at the river.” It uses the same “trees at the river” as Telica, referring to Siberia. But Esteli also had a cleverer double meaning. The Subtiava combined a Spanish meaning with first language meanings, much the same way that Nahuatl meanings were at times combined with first language meanings. With Esteli it is este el li or “beside the foreigners from the east.”

Telica would indicate that the arrival of the Subtiava coincided with the beginning of the eruptions – the “ridge to the sky” – of Telica. The name Telica has a double meaning – te el li ik’ ha, which is “beside the lake of the foreigners from the trees of the Sky.” This would appear to refer to Lake Managua, lake of the Nicarao (foreigners). The trees of the Sky would indicate El Salvador, where the Sky people (Pipil) lived. The name Telica is similar to Esteli, indicating that these two names were likely named at the same time by the Subtiava. Esteli is es tel li which is “observe the ridge beside.” But it is also es te el li or “observe the trees of the foreigners beside.” The trees beside would indicate the cacao trees of the Matagalpa nearby. The Subtiava used Esteli as a place from which to prevent the Nicarao from attaching the Matagalpa.

A name for the mountains that begin at the northern edge of Lake Managua with the Mombotombo is the Maribios range. Mombotombo is a prominent volcano. Its primary meaning describes the volcano – mo om bot to om bo or “trapped foam forced out of the sacrificed foam hole.” However, the double meaning speaks to the origin of the Subtiava people. It is “force out those trapped in the hole.” There is a history from Guerrero of the early history of the Otomi where a rebel group that rejected the sacrifice regime was captured and placed in a cage-like structure. The neighboring Purepecha came to the assistance of the rebel group and helped them to escape. This rebel group became the Tlapaneco, one part of which became the Subtiava. Contained within the name Mombotombo are the letters otom, a shortened version of Otomi. Otomi is a combination of the Poto (Oto) and the Kiche, represented by Mi. By leaving off the last syllable in Otomi, i.e. Otom, in the name Mombotombo, the Subtiava were rejecting the Mi (cat) ideology, the sacrifice regime of the Maya.

Maribios, the mountain range that includes Mombotombo, is mar ri ib bi os or “beside the ocean where companions (spirits) were set down.” This is in recognition of the many Poto (Rama) who were killed in the tsunami of about 7200 BCE, in contrast to the Poto woman who survived floating all the way to Acapulco and became the female founder of the Otomi and Tlapaneco.

La Chimbarona is a village about ten kilometers southwest of Leon. The name describes the arrival of the Spanish and makes it clear that the Subtiava, and others in Mesoamerica, knew the history of the Spaniards. La Chimbarona is la ach chi im bar ro on ha or “large boats of the tired ones previously freed at the river by the Turtles.” The river is referring the Yenesie River of Russia. The Spaniards, like most Indo-Europeans, were freed from very difficult conditions at or near the Yenesie River by the Phoenicians between 1900 and 1200 BCE. The Phoenicians were Sky people, which would also make them Turtle people. The Subtiava knew the history of the Spaniards that the Spaniards themselves had forgotten. What might make the name La Chimbarona even more amazing is the letters chimb or chimp and the syllables baron. The Subtiava embedded two Spanish phrases to insult the Spaniards – the “chimp barons.”

Surviving the Tsunami Part 3: The Tlalpaneca, Otomi, Amuzgo, Chatino, and Purepecha

Part 3 in a 5-part series on the tsunami of 7200 BCE in Mesoamerica. Part 1   Part 2

The Tlapaneca

The Kiche’ had extended beyond Lago Coatepeque over the years since their 8200 BCE beginning at the lake, including south toward the ocean and had sailing communities on the Sonsonate coast. Like communities elsewhere on the coast of El Salvador, some were swept out to sea in the tsunami of 7200 BCE and survived. The names on the southwest coast of Sonsonate indicate that there were Kiche’ communities there that also were swept out to sea. Cauta drops the ‘b’ consonant and would be kab bu ut ta or “remains of the hold-in-mouths gashed open.” Kab or "hold-in-mouth" was a designation for the Kiche'. Rio Suncita is su un si it ta and means “remains of many youth in the blowing layer.” It has a second meaning of “foreign,” indicated the belief that the tsunami came from somewhere else. Nearby Monzon is mo on soh on and means “previously trapped, previously the curve (blade),” indicating that it was the source of the Tlapaneca and the first hint that they decided not to continue the human sacrifice practice.

Sonsonate uses a similar structure as Monzon - a rare double on - so on so on nat te, meaning “previously on the curve (wave), previously with the curve (blade), distant on the branches.” It is named specifically for the Tlapaneca people. The Sonsonate River name was a longstanding reminder of hope for all Kiche people that human sacrifice could be a practice of the past. This means that those who named the Sonsonate River did so in defiance of the leaders of the Kiche based at Lago Coatepeque. Also, Tepetoro is tep pet to or ro and means “loose ones sacrificed by the hard crest of the pouring (tide).” It has a double meaning of “free from the sacrificing of the leaders,” indicating that it was named after word was received back from the survivors in Mexico that they didn’t practice sacrifice. Acajutla is ak’ ka ach chu ut la or “tired of the guards who open the skin of the turtle beginners.” Turtle beginners refer to the first born of the pregnant women (turtles). The Kiche’ (Tlapaneca) who left from this area were tired of the sacrifice practice.

This group of Kiche’ survivors who made it to Mexico seem to have arrived near Marquelia, Guerrero, 110 kilometers east of Acapulco. These survivors called themselves Tlapanec: tal la ap pa an ek’ – “tired bodies arrive from swinging on the current under the stars.” The tla prefix in Mexico would become indicative of the Tlapanec. It has a second meaning of “remnant tired of the swinging at the body,” indicating that they quickly decided to stop the human sacrifice practice, as indicated above. Marquelia is mar k’el li ha’ and means “the time of being beside the bad water that gashed.” It also indicates their position next to the Otomi. One kilometer west of Marquelia is Islaltepec. It is is la al te pek’ in Mi and means “time of being tired on hill after moving on the branches,” with a double meaning of “time of moving the tired ones on wood (dug-outs) to the hills.” This indicates that they helped the Otomi women who were escaping.

Copala is k’op pah al lah and means “time of gathering the bodies from the water,” referring to corpses on the shore from the tsunami. Its double meaning refers to helping the escaping Otomi women: “boats for those tired of the teeth (blade).” Cuautepec, a little inland, was meant to sound like Coatepeque, the original home of the Kiche’, and is ka wa ut tep pek’ in Mi and means “hard hills of the beings with openings at the beginning.” Coacoyulichan has coa referring to Coatepeque and coy referring to the chewers, making a clear reference to Lago Coatepeque in El Salvador and the Quiche. K’o ak’ k’oy ul li cha an is “chewers explain about running from the blade and double skin beside,” with a double meaning of “breaking through.” When the Tlapanec decided not to practice human sacrifice it also was a commitment to help those escaping from the practice.

The Tlapaneca seem to have moved to Laguna Chautengo soon after landing at Copala. Laguna Chautengo is distinctive for having two islands near the entrance of the lagoon to the ocean. Chautengo is cha ut ten k’o, which means “clearing on the two teeth at the opening.” “Clearing” has the implied meaning of a person-made living site. The second meaning of Chautengo is consistent with the nickname of the Tlapaneca, which is Yopi or yor ro pi, meaning “companions free of striking.” The name also employs a convention where an unusual syllable like ten is meant to convey extra meanings through the insertion of three “droppable” consonants, the ‘m’, ‘p’, and ‘r’. Undropping them, Ten then becomes temen, tepen, and teren. The extra meanings are “shade (nighttime),” “separate,” “descend,” “wilderness,” “women,” and “paddlers.” All of these refer to Otomi women separating at night paddling in the wilderness of the ocean, occasionally descending. The spelling of paddler, len, makes it clear it is referring to the Poto (female) portion of the Otomi. Maya-related people would spell it lep. At Chautengo the Tlapaneca helped the escaping women to move further east, becoming the Chatino.

The Otomi, part 1

The tsunami scattered people to places they never imagined living and brought people together who would otherwise never be together. Nowhere was this truer than with the Otomi. The Otomi landed near Laguna Coyuca, just west of Acapulco, Mexico. Actually it’s not that simple. The first to land it would seem was a single man from the Kiche’-Cakchiquel communities on the coast of southeast Sonsonate, El Salvador. The name Barra de Coyuca is ba ar ra at te ek’ k’oy yuk k’a in Mi and means “the time of the tired body(ies) on the branches in the bath under the stars, satisfied to the be joining the chewer(s).” The chewer is a clear reference to the Cakchiquel who were the main users of tobacco in early times. But Coyuca was named by the person joining the Cakchiquel man: a Poto woman, with Poto being indicated by other names. Coyuca has a double meaning of “sadness at the beginning,” indicating the mixed feelings of the woman.

The name Chinameca shows up near Acapulco and indicates that the second party to land here was from Olmeka (Poto) heritage. In this context Chinameka is chi in am ek’ ha, meaning “one spidering (swimming) in the large water under the stars.” It indicates one person of Olmeka heritage.

The name Otomi also gives a clue about who the woman was. Otomi is ot to om mi, meaning “shelter for those sacrificed by the cats in the foam (at Isla Tigre),” referring to one of the four groups that left Isla Tigre due to human sacrifice practice. The name Otomi repeats three of the letters of Poto, one of the Chibchab (Olmeka-related) groups in Nicaragua, indicating that it was a Poto person(s) who landed at Coyuca. The mi in Otomi frequently referred to the Maya, i.e. Cakchiquel, indicating that the Otomi were a combination of Poto and Maya.

Nearby on the coast is the name Luces en el Mar, which in Mi is luz tze etz zen hel mar and means “upright one observing the woman with knowledge of swimming in the sea.” The Kiche’ man was standing (already there), impressed that the Poto woman made it. “Upright” may also have a sexual connotation. After the Poto back in Nicaragua heard about this name, likely from a visit, they sarcastically named a place on the Nicaraguan coast Aposentillo, or ap po os sen ti il lo, which means “one set down (swimming) sees person with knowledge of swinging (a blade) and opening a hole (in the body),” implying that all the person could do was human sacrifice. Luces en el Mar helps to confirm that it was a Poto woman and a Cakchiquel man.

Los Mogotes also speaks of the moment when the two parties saw each other. From the Cakchiquel man’s perspective, it is lo os mo ok’ k’o ot te etz in Mi and means “observe the loose one on the branches who had been trapped, set down, of those who had sought shelter from being split open by the blade.” Like the name Otomi, it references those who fled human sacrifice at Isla Tigre. The Otomi were the most ironic of all possible combinations: the descendant of those who first started human sacrifice (Cakchiquel) and the descendant of the first ones to be sacrificed (Olmeka/Poto).

Espinalillo is etz pi in al il li lo and means “time of observing the one loose companion beside who is seeing.” This seems like it might be a name the woman gave when she saw the loose (unattached) man onshore. As she observed him, he observed her. Nearby Conchero seems to be a sexual reference, although not necessarily consensual. It is k’o on che her ro in Mi and means “previously from the tooth handles the loose woman.” “Previously from the tooth” is a reference to Coatepeque Lake with the tooth-like walls, the ancient home of the Kiche’ and Cakchiquel.

Tuncingo, near Acapulco, was probably named by the Poto woman at the time of the awkward moment of having a baby knowing that the Kiche’-Kakchiquel tradition was to sacrifice the first child. Tuncingo is tu un ci in k’o is “corpse of the first child of the tz’i (dog) and the tooth.” A nickname of the Poto (and Xinca) was dogs. The Kiche’-Cakchiquel were known as the teeth. This may have been when the Coyuca name was created, which on the surface is “joined to the chewer at the beginning” but has a second meaning of “with the chewer happy but sad.” Happy she didn’t die alone but sad that her first baby was killed. This may be the origin of the Central American saying, “Que yuca!”

Before the baby was sacrificed near Tuncingo, the Kakchiquel man explained the reasoning behind the practice. This is stated in the name Acapulco. It is ak’ k’ap ul k’o and means “hold-in-mouth explains the tooth (blade) on the skin.” Hold-in-mouth is an expression for the tobacco chewing Cakchiquel.

One name near the coast speaks about the bodies that began to wash ashore. Cobadonga, near Acapulco, is k’ob ba at to on k’ar and means “gather the retained bodies at the bath, those who used to sacrifice.” This indicates that the bodies were coming from the Totonac communities along the La Libertad coast. "Used to sacrifice" was an expression for the Totonac.

Aguacatillo, near Tuncingo, is ak’ wa ak’ k’at ti il lo and means “see the beings free from the opening of the skin cross the covering.” The name indicates that women began to escape along the ocean shore. The k’at syllable in the middle seems to indicate help from Cuscatlano persons, likely from the Amuzgo. Aguacatillo has a prefix -agua- it shares with Nicaragua’s suffix and a suffix -tillo-, like Ocotillo, that it shares with many names in northwest Nicaragua, including Somotillo, Jiquilillo, and Aposentillo. This indicates that Aguacatillo and the presence of the Amuzgo may have given great hope not only to Otomi women but also to Poto back in Nicaragua. Nearby Carabali is k’ar ra ab ba al li and means “time of the being tired of the swinging at the retained bodies beside.” A second meaning is “boat beside stroking.” An Amuzgo boat.

Tixtlancingo is somewhat inland. It is ti ix ta al la an si in k’o in Mi, meaning “the time of the remnant of several first ones moving from the mouth of the fatigued current (Laguna Coyuca) to the teeth (hills).” The phrase “several first ones” is not referring to a large origin group but rather more than one line or lineage. The name then says who those lineages were: the lan, “fatigued current,” a nickname for the Olmeca who lived near the nearly tide-less Gulf of Fonseca (of which the Poto were a part); and the k’o or teeth, the Cakchiquel, as explained above. The name also has a double meaning of “movement of several in the current tired of the opening of the first-born by the blade,” indicating the moment that pregnant women - descendants of the first two Otomi - began to attempt escape by sea.

Ocotillo, east of Tixtlancingo, is near the place of rebellion of the Otomi and seems to indicate the start of the rebellion. It is ok’ k’o ot ti il lo and means “see those sheltered from the opening blade splitting off free.” Like other names it has second meanings referring to the Chibchab and the Cakchiquel. Ocotillo also shares a prefix with Playa Ocosme in Nicaragua where the Poto woman may have been from. It’s not clear which came first but one of the names came after a visit by boat to the other place. Ocosme is ok’ k’o os mer and means “failure of the teeth to split open the one(s) set down,” expressing the lack of trust in the Kiche’-Cakchiquel and surprise that they had not killed the female survivor.

Where did the Cakchiquel side of the Otomi come from? In the southeast part of the Sonsonate coast, Playa Sihuapilapa is si wa ap pi il la pa: “see the swinging bodies of many tired beings.” This name seems to have been created after news came of survivors making it to Mexico because it has a double meaning of “continue in the waterway.” It has a third meaning that indicates it was the source of the Cakchiquel portion of the Otomi people: “companion who saw the Tzi being (Poto woman) who later grew tired of swinging at the body.” The name seems to also be part of the later inspiration for the Toltec name Cihuatan, El Salvador, built by the Otomi and Cakchiquel, as well as the Totonac. Not far from Sihuapilapa is Amatal. Amatal reuses the name of the first entry point of the Mesoamerican people 1400 years earlier, since the original Amatal, 60 kilometers to the east, was memorializing the person(s) who lost their life on the sea journey from South America to Central America. Amatal here is am ma at ta al or “the time of the remains of the spiders (sailors) in the bad bath.” But Amatal also indicated the source of the bad Otomi remnant, those that continued the sacrifice practice, just as Amatal, La Libertad, seemed to indicate the source of the Huave.

The Amuzgo

Among the westernmost of the Cuscatlan (Lempa Maya) remnants in Mexico are the Amuzgo, 260 kilometers west of the Triqui and 470 kilometers west of the Zapoteca, although they did not arrive directly to Guerrero. They first arrived to Oaxaca in the tsunami as either Triqui or Zapoteca, moving later to Guerrero. Coastal names do not indicate an arrival from the tsunami. The coastal town of Barra de Tecoanapa indicates an origin of Tecoluca, El Salvador, which is near where the Zapoteca originated at the mouth of the Lempa River, linking the Amuzgo to the Zapoteca. The name Amuzgo suggests they deliberately moved from Oaxaca to Guerrero as the best sailors among the Zapoteca. It is am mu us k’or – “capable spidering (sailing) transport in the hole (ocean).” It has a double meaning of “teeth” or “blades”, indicating that they were transporting people (pregnant women) escaping from the blades of the Otomi and perhaps the Huave as well. The name was a virtual advertisement to Otomi women - enter the water and we will transport you to safety.

The name Barra de Tecoanapa, Guerrero, indicates it was an early settlement site of the Amuzgo. The Teco prefix matches Tecoluca in San Vicente, El Salvador, along the lower Lempa River. Tecoluca was probably named just after the tsunami so Tecoanapa would have been named after a visit from lower Lempa people. Barra de Tecoanapa is bar ra te ek’ k’o an ap ba and means “boats for those tired of the swinging blade on the body, on wood (dug-outs) under the stars.”

The inland name Quetzalapa is also a reference to San Vicente. Laguna Talquetzal, in the lower Lempa, may have been the first place that the ancestors of the Maya saw a quetzal bird after they arrived from South America. Quetzalapa is kech tz’a al la ap pa, and means “the time of transporting in the wetness those tired of the swinging at the body.” It also has a double meaning: “tired of the swinging at the body by the possessors.”

San Luis Acatlan is san lus sak’ k’at la an and means “search for swimmers crossing the wet current tired of running.” The name contains the suffix lan, the typical expression for the Gulf of Fonseca and the Olmeca lineage, including the Poto women who in part founded the Otomi. The name Igualapa is ik’ wa al lap ha’ and means “time of beings stroking the water in the wind.” But it also seems to show amorous activity between the Otomi women and the Amuzgo. Its double meaning is “time of Ik’ (Amuzgo) and beings rubbing bodies.”

The Amuzgo appear to be responsible for the introduction of cacao to Mexico. Perhaps without the Amuzgo there would be no mole. Cuajinicuilapa is an important cultural name, it is ka wa hin nic wih il ap ba or “beings see satisfying hanging (fruit) food with origin in Jinotega, Nicaragua,” with a double meaning of “for tiredness.” The syllables jinic are a reference to Jinotega, Nicaragua, identified in Chapter 5 as the origin of cacao, along with Matagalpa. While the name could indicate that the Amuzgo found cacao in the wild, other names indicate it was brought by raft from Nicaragua. The Amuzgo were likely growing the cacao back in the lower Lempa before the tsunami. Otherwise the appearance of the cacao here seems quite random. In El Salvador they likely had received the cacao from the Miskito/Matagalpa who had discovered it. The Miskito are from the same lineage as the Amuzgo. The name indicates that the Matagalpa discovered cacao prior to the tsunami (~7220 BCE).

Maldonado is at the shore south of Cuajinicuilapa where the cacao was first brought in. Maldonado is ma al to on nat tob and means “the time of the pods from distant ones whose ancestors were sacrificed by the bad ones.” This would fit the Miskito. It has a double meaning of “sea” indicating how they were brought. San Nicolas is a town halfway between Maldonado and Cuajinicuilapa. San Nicolas – Sanicolach – is tz’a an nik’ k’ol lach and means “the shiny grooved one (cacao pod) from Nicaragua transported on the current.” This name likely also references San Nicolas Lempa in the lower Lempa valley, indicating it was named after a visit from the lower Lempa after the “Lempa” towns had been named.

Two names indicate that it was hard to grow cacao in the hard soil of the Guerrero-Oaxaca border area. San Antonio Tepetlapa is tza an to on ni ot tep et tal ap ha in Mi and means “shelter for the challenge of the hard hills for the shiny swinging one (fruit) arrived by water current from the ones previously sacrificed.” “Shelter” refers to the canopy of shade trees usually grown above the diminutive cacao trees. There is a second meaning of “pouring” referring to the hot water poured over the ground cacao. “The ones previously sacrificed” refers to the Miskito/Matagalpa. Huajintepec is wa hi in te pec and means “first beings sand the plants in the hills.” This seems to indicate that they carried sand up from the beach into the hills to try to loosen the soil. This name also references Jinotega, source of cacao, with the jin syllable.

Further up in the hills is Cacahuatepec. This name deceptively sounds like it is about peanuts but I don’t think it was initially. It is caca wat te pec or “cacao plant(er) makes a home in the hills.” It indicates a move of the Amuzgo cacao grower(s) further inland. The fact that the first four syllables of this place name became the name for peanut - cacahuate - would seem to indicate that it was the same Amuzgo who brought the peanut into Mexico from South America and it was named after this place, in part because the peanut shell, like the cacao, looks like caca. It was likely the Amuzgo communicating with their relatives, the Quechua, that is travelling to Peru, which facilitated the arrival of the peanut to Mexico. These names indicate the important role that the Amuzgo have played in Mexican agriculture.

A second group of Amuzgo seem to have settled even further west toward Acapulco at a lagoon called Tecomate. It means “bad teeth of the foamy ridge, on branches under the stars in the bath,” with a double meaning of “join Teco,” which seems to mean Barra de Tecoanapa. From Tecomate they were in good position to rescue escaping Otomi women and have them join other escaped Otomi at Tecoanapa.

The Chatino

In the first few generations of the Otomi, pregnant women attempted to escape, just like the Huave women did. According to names on the Oaxaca coast, two Otomi women paddled west to the Lagunas de Chacahua National Park along the western coast of Oaxaca, 260 kilometers east of the Otomi near Acapulco. Maybe the first escaped Otomi women, it seems that these two women became the Chatino. Chacahua is cha ak’ ka ap wa in Mi, meaning “two from the swinging at the skin of the beginning beings.” The name also makes reference to Chaac, the rain god, and to “holding in the mouth,” a reference to the Kiche’-Cakchiquel. They were escaping from the wearing of the skin associated with Chaac. The name Chatino also suggests that there were only two women who founded the Chatino: cha at ti in no – “two large ones from the bath where they opened the first ones.” Large ones refer to the Poto Chibchab who were larger people like the Olmeca. Bath ones refer to those originally from Coatepeque (“teeth at the bath”).

[click to enlarge] Very near to Chacahua on the coast is Galera, which is k’al her ra, and means “women tired of the retainings.” Galera is the first evidence that only women were among the Otomi escapee group who would call themselves Chatino. A double meaning of Galera is k’a al her rab, meaning “the time of women satisfied with their stroking (paddling).”

Another name on the coast 10 kilometers west of Galera is El Azufre. It is hel la as su ub ba ar rep and means “time of the similar ones (women) tired of the practice on the surface of the body, paddling while listening.” They listened as they paddled, sneaking away from the men in their community. El Azufre seems to link linguistically with the later Subtiaba, indicating a possible Chatino/Otomi origin for the Subtiaba. Chacaija is next to Chacahua. Chacaija is cha ak’ ka ir cha or “see the two from the double skin of the beginners,” making another reference to Chaac. Two (or double) is in the name twice, making it clear that in one instance it is reiterating that there were only two founders of the Chatino, although they each were likely to be pregnant.

To the east of Chacahua is Zapotalito, which is tz’a ap po ot ta al li to in Mi, meaning “time of shelter for the remnant beside, sacrificed by swinging blows by those from the wet hole.” It has double meanings of “arrival” and “Pot,” indicating that the women were Poto - Chibchab from Nicaragua, like the Otomi female founder. Like some of the other names, it has a second sexual meaning: sap pot tal li it to in Mi, which is “sacrifice ourselves rubbed, pressed by those next to us who arrived.” The Zap prefix indicates that it was the Zapoteca who arrived and found the women and helped them. The women had arrived alone with no partners but a raft arrived giving them hope they would not die alone along with the story of their journey. This may have been the location where the Zapoteca took their name, with its close similarity to Zapotalito.

Inland about 15 kilometers is Chacalapa. It is cha ak’ k’al la ap ba in Mi, “two tired of the swinging at the skin of the retained bodies.” This is another name referring to being tired of Chaac and the double skin ritual. This name might also have a sexual meaning, “time of being tired and happy, two swinging skin bodies.” The double sexual meanings indicate that while the Chatino are mostly Otomi, they might have a mix of Zapoteca as well. The Otomi themselves are a mix of Kiche and Poto (Chibchab).

A place name to the west of Chacalapa is Santa Maria Chicometepec, which is san ta am ma ar ri ach chi ik’ k’o om et tep ek’. This means “the time of the challenge of remnant of large swollen turtles spidering under stars of the sky in the current from the foam beside the bad hard blades.” The remnant is called large because the Poto, like the Chibchab and Olmeca, come in part from the Xibalba, a taller race of people. The bad hard blades are the Otomi guards. The name has a double meaning of “join Ik’ (Zapoteca) in hard hills of the interior.”

The Purepecha

Another Mexican indigenous group has roots in the flood, the Purepecha, like the Otomi and Chatino, partially from Nicaragua. Today’s Purepecha are primarily based in Michoacan. Purepecha is pur rep pech cha, which means “two orphans paddle on the up and down (ocean).” While the two survivors may have been orphaned by the storm, the use of “orphan” in the name is a clear reference to the Chibchab, who used the same name in the aftermath of the earlier human sacrifice episode at Isla Tigre. In addition, the word two could mean a group of survivors from two communities in Nicaragua. The second syllable rep indicates a second origin that is not Chibchab or Olmeka, but rather is from one of the other three lineages (Ch’orti, Kiche, or Cuscatlan). This will be revisited, but first we’ll look at the Nicaragua reference.

Beside the Otomi (female) origin of Chinandega, an examination of the Nicaraguan coast reveals a second location where people were swept out to sea – just west of Leon. San Juan Venado is san wa’ an ben nat toh is “beings sacrificed in the swollen current and lost in the distance.” Distance seems to refer to the Poto women who made it to Guerrero. Rio Telica is beside the town of Poneloya. It is te hel li ik’ k’a and means “women on the branches satisfied to be beside the wind (Ik’).” This name was clearly given after the Nicaragua communities heard about the survivors making it to Mexico. Ik’ seems a clear reference to the Ik’ lineage. The literal meaning “sky” or “wind” doesn’t really fit in the name. Finally, the female reference (hel) – literally “the other” – seems to indicate that all the survivors were women.

Poneloya, on the beach, is po on ne hel lo yar and means “the others (woman/women) formerly from the tail (river) hurled loose into the hole.” “Formerly from the tail” could be a reference to the Telica River. Poneloya also makes a female reference, so clearly it was also named after news of the survivors reached back to Nicaragua.

The names of the Guerrero coastal communities east of the mouth of the Balsas River tell the story of arrival of the Purépecha. They appear to have landed at Los Organos, which is or k’a an no os in Mi, meaning “happy to be set down by the large crest of the current.” Ixtapa may have been one of the first names given. It is ix ta ap ha’ or “remnant moved in the swinging water.”

Ixtapa-Zihuatenejo By Alejandro Linares Garcia (Own work) [GFDL or CC-BY-SA-3.0-2.5-2.0-1.0], via Wikimedia Commons

Some of the bodies of the Sonsonate Kiche seemed to wash ashore near Ixtapa. East of Los Organos is La Majahua or ma cha wa, meaning “two bad beings,” seeming to refer to two bodies in the water. They called them bad because they seemed to recognize them as Kiche’ - those responsible for the sacrifice death of their own ancestors. A little further east is Pantla – pa an tal la or “arrival in the current of the tired bodies.” The ones who got tired in the journey did not make it.

The two women would have grown old and died alone, along with their story and their place names telling of their heroic journey on the ocean and telling of seeing the bodies wash upon the shore, except for what happened next. A sail raft appeared near the present-day town of Valentin. Valentin is bal len ti in and means “paddlers and boat from the first mouth.” Using the syllable len shows that the paddlers (women) were Poto (Chibchab), who like the Olmeca, used len rather than leb for “paddler.” Valentin also says where the boat was from. The first mouth refers to the first large river that the ancestors of the Mesoamerican people, including the Poto women, encountered as they started walking in the first days in El Salvador after arriving from South America: the Lempa River. The boat (raft) was from the mouth of the Lempa, making them Lempa Maya, i.e. Cuscatlan or Ulua, closely related to the Zapoteca. Ironically, the love relationship between the Cuscatlan men and the Poto women began at a place called Valentin.

About 10 kilometers inland from the present-day Zihuatanejo airport is the small village of La Boloncha. This has a double meaning. The first is bo ol lo on cha, which means “the two previously loose on the crest of the hole,” referring to the tsunami. The second meaning is simply two numbers. Bolon means 9 and cha means 2. So Boloncha is “the 9 and the 2,” indicating that there were two women and nine sailors who had arrived on the raft. It is possible that the number 9 (bolon) was named at this time.

But the women also knew that they needed men to survive and have future generations. Two place names indicate that this took care of itself, perhaps one name for each woman. Barra de Potosi is on the coast about 10 kilometers west of Valentin. The name has at least three meanings. The first is ba ar ra te po ot to os si or “The time of being set down tired, finding shelter, many sacrificed bodies in the hole (ocean).” This meaning seems to demonstrate the conversation that the women had with the sailors, telling of their tsunami experience. A second meaning is quite explicit in indicating an amorous relationship: ba ar at tep pot to os si and means “the time of sacrificing ourselves to the many, set down, hard bodies pressing.” The many here simply means plural, i.e. could mean two. The third meaning simply refers to the boat or raft.

The name Potosi, meaning “the Poto dogs (guides),” may have become an indicator of the presence of the Purepecha in Mexico, as well as a possible migration to Bolivia.

A second nearby name, San Jeronimito, refers to the Poto origins of the women who arrived in the tsunami. It is tz’a an che her ro on ni im mi it to and means “handle women loose in the wetness whose ancestors ran from the sacrificial blasts of the cats on the hill.” I believe that “handle women” was an expression for amorous relations.

The Poto women and Cuscatlan men continued to share stories. The women asked what happened on Isla Tigre after their people had fled the human sacrifice practice. This is known from the town of Coacoyul. It is k’o ak’ k’oy ul in Mi, which means “explain the smoking and teeth (blades) on the skin.” They especially wanted to know how the practice of human sacrifice turned out.

But the men also talked about their journey to assess the damage after the tsunami, probably offering help as they went. Their journey was likely deliberate, planned by the Cuscatlan/Ulua leadership. Two names near the coast, Petatlan and Petacalco, indicate that the men had sailed at least as far north as the San Francisco Bay on the Pacific Coast, at least as far north in the Atlantic as the Bahamas and the current state of Georgia, and at least as far south as the Amazon River also on the Atlantic Coast.

The best clue that the names indicate places is atlan in Petatlan. Atlan is a very Mesoamerican construction, similar to the itlan used by the Xinca in Guatemala. Atlan is most well-known for being part of the name Atlanta in Georgia and the fabled Atlantis. The Bahamas had a specific condition – it was sinking, and the Maya (Cuscatlan more likely) had helped to figure this out. The construction of Atlantis describes this: at la an ti is or “fatigued current of the bath, movement to the opening.” What had been land previously, was slowly sinking so that it was at some point, a fatigued current (very shallow waters). The “movement to the opening” is somewhat vague but I believe it refers to the Bermuda Triangle.

The Arawak who lived spread out in the Bahamas were very affected by the tsunami. At least some survived and floated and paddled on the current until reaching the coast of Florida from Miami up to Georgia. To indicate where they came from they named a place Atlantis in today’s Palm Beach County and another place Atlanta in Georgia (which means “remnant of Atlan”). Atlan in Petatlan refers to the remnants of the Arawak originally from the Bahamas, spread out by the tsunami to Florida and Georgia. Now called the Timucua. Petatlan indicates that the raft of nine men went to help the Arawak-Timucua survivors.

The Peta in Petatlan is a rare prefix in the Americas. The only coastal place where it shows up is Petaluma, California, north of current-day San Francisco. Most of the indigenous names in the San Francisco area relate to the tsunami, indicating serious effects there. One of the most dramatic and beautiful names in the area is Petaluma, meaning “arrival of the bad pouring (tide) over land,” describing the tsunami waters coming up the Petaluma valley. The San Francisco area had a direct connection with the Cuscatlan who had arranged for various ethnicities to settle there, including the Miwok who settled in Petaluma, a few hundred years before the tsunami. This is indicated by the two examples of the name California in the lower Lempa area. The name Petaluma both indicates the range of the sailing journey of the nine Cuscatlan men on the raft, but also acknowledges their Miwok relatives who suffered greatly in the tsunami. The name Petatlan helps to make this connection.

Petacalco repeats the Peta prefix, emphasizing its usage as a literary device. Like atlan and peta, calco is an unusual prefix or suffix within a place name in the Americas. The only Calco prefix along the coasts is Calcoene, Brasil, not far north of the Amazon River. Calcoene is k’al k’o ol len ne in Mi. It means “teeth (stones) for the tail (river) paddlers retained by the crest.” I think that river paddlers refers to people who lived along the Amazon River and were swept out to sea and washed ashore near Calcoene. Calcoene might seem like a random reference until one considers that the archeological site known as the Stonehenge of the Amazon resides there. While the stones are thought to be from a couple thousands ago, the seeming reference to the stones in Petacalco would indicate that they were placed soon after the 7220 BCE tsunami. The site is called Cromlech. In Mi this would be k’ar ro om lech and means “retained in the foam, freed, then climbed up.” One or more persons were trapped under water and where able to free themselves to get to the surface. Based on the name Petacalco the raft of nine Cuscatlan men were able to travel this far to help out after the tsunami.

By Yurileveratto (Own work) [CC BY-SA 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons

There are several place names that indicate that two of the men who traveled to North and South America and the two women began a life that was the start of the Purepecha people. East of Valentin and ten kilometers off the coast is the village of Cacanicua. It is k’ak’ ka an nik wa’ in Mi and means “ran from the shaking fire beings at the beginning.” The shaking fire beings were the ones lighting up and smoking tobacco on Isla Tigre or shaking when they didn’t have tobacco. The name Cacanicua is also a clear reference to Nicaragua, their place of origin. This name helps to establish that Nicaragua was named by its first residents soon after they left Isla Tigre in about 8250 BCE. The name also makes a reference to Ik’, an identifier of the Cuscatlan-Ulua people who made up the male component of the Purepecha.

El Parotal and La Parotita are 10 to 20 kilometers inland and seemed to be named for each other. El Parotal is par ro ot tal in Mi and means “shelter for the one(s) who arrived in a boat and the loose one(s).” It seems to be the site of one (or two) of the first houses of the new Purepecha families. The name emphasizes again the unattached status of the women who probably lost partners in the tsunami. La Parotita is almost the same: par ro ot ti it ta, meaning “shelter for the loose one(s) and the remnant from the blowing (sail) boats from the mouth.” This name indicates that only a portion of the men stayed (likely two) and that the men came from the river mouth (Lempa) or upstream from there.

It was probably sometime after this first generation settled in the hills that the place Zihuatanejo was named on the coast. Zihuatanejo is si wat ta an ne ho in Mi or “several happy remnants make a home on current of the tail (river),” with a double meaning of “interior.” The several remnants simply mean the two lineages (Poto, related to the Olmeca, and the Cuscatlan or Ulua, related to the Zapoteca).

About 70 kilometers southeast of Ixtapa and Zihuatanejo is Coyuquilla – there are several nearby places with this name. Without a doubt Coyuqilla is referencing Barra de Coyuca near Acapulco and the early home of the Otomi. It is k’oy yuk’ ki il la, which means “see the dear ones who had been joined to the chewers.” It seems to indicate seeing for the first time the Otomi women, or an Otomi woman, escaping from the Otomi men, because of the first-born sacrifice practice. The syllable koy or “chewer” refers to the Kiche, the original male component of the Otomi. The name has a double meaning of “sadness.”

Several other names in this area have a double meaning: on the one hand referring to the Kiche bodies washing ashore from El Salvador soon after the tsunami, but also many years later to the arrival of the escaping pregnant women from the Otomi.

• Papanoa or pa ap an no ha: “swinging bodies in the current of the big water.” It also refers to women escaping the Otomi: “large ones running, tired of the leaders who swing at the body.” The Poto were known as larger people due to their partial Xibalba heritage.
• Loma Bonita or lo om ma ab bo on ni ta: “loose remains in the foam of those whose ancestors were bad on the hill by the hole.” This refers to the volcano on Isla Tigre where the human sacrifices took place. “Those whose ancestors were bad” would be the Kiche. The second meaning is “remnant free from the bad ones who swung (a blade) up on the hill at the foamy hole” - also referring to Isla Tigre and the Poto who escaped.
• El Tular or hel tu ul la ar: “the time of the women who explain being tired of the corpses.” While this meaning is clear, the name is also a clear reference to Tulan, the ancient place on Isla Tigre, the Poto’s last reference point for those who would become the Kiche’ Maya.
• San Luis de la Loma (next to El Tular) or tza’ an lus te hel la al lo om ma: “women swimmers on branches in the wet foamy current, tired of the badness, free.” Some of the women (or at least one) escaping the Otomi swam all the way from Acapulco on branches, 110 kilometers. The lal syllable is an indicator for the Kiche, another clue this name involves the Otomi.
• San Luis San Pedro or san lus tz’a an pet tar ro: “arrival of the swimmers running to be free in the swollen pouring (tide).” The swimmers were the Otomi women escaping by swimming on branches. The name has a double meaning of “arrived to the Pet,” a syllable denoting the Cuscatlan, the male lineage of the Purepecha.
• Acapulquito or ak’ ka ap pu ul ki it to: “explain about beginners cut open with blow to skin to sacrifice heart.” “Beginners” refers to the first born who were sacrificed by tradition by the Kiche’. This name was clearly named after Acapulco, 110 kilometers to the southeast, an early home of the Otomi.

The various ethnicities in Mexico likely travelled back to El Salvador for corn seed stock, hybridizing it with the teosinte found in Mexico. The Purepecha may have been leaders in this process. Corn dated from 6700 to 7200 BCE was found in the Balsas valley, an area near the border of Michoacan, Guerrero and Mexico state. While this is closer to the Otomi landing location, the Purepecha landed near the mouth of the Balsas River and were much more likely to have reached this location near the Balsas River by 7200 BCE - the ancient Mesoamericans seemed to travel faster by river than over land. This area is within the current natural range of balsas teosinte and the Purepecha would have been capable of hybridizing corn from teosinte, given their knowledge base from El Salvador. It appears that they soon shared the hybridized corn with the Zapoteca in the area of Tehuacan, Puebla, where remnants of Balsas corn have also been found. The Purepecha and the Zapoteca were from the same lineage (on the male side of the Purepecha). It was necessary to continue hybridizing corn with teosinte to make it more drought and weed resistant and a stronger plant. By 7200 BCE it is possible that the range of balsas teosinte had shifted definitively northwest from Central America to southwest Mexico.

The name of the central Mexico volcano Popocatepetl indicates that the Purepecha traveled early to the region of the central valley of Mexico. Popocatepetl is pop (baking) po ok’ k’at tep pet ta al and means “the time of crossing to the baked residue from the hard split open pouring through hole.” Crossing refers to the move from the Pacific Ocean to central Mexico. Popocatepetl has two cultural markers for the Ik’ lineage, k’at and pet, indicating that it was likely named by the Purepecha, since pet is a syllable specific to the Purepecha and Ulua. The Choluteca named nearby Iztaccihuatl Mountain and Cholula. The phrase popo apparently was used later to indicate explosives, likening the gunpowder explosion to the volcanic eruption. This is seen in the name Popoluca and in the name of the Quiche history Popol Vu, which indicates the defeat of the Olmeca, some of the foremost explosive workers.

The names of the deities of the Purépecha are translatable using Mi. One deity is Kurikaweri and is the sky god, the god of war and the sun. It is k’ur ri ik’ k’a wer ri and means “satisfying beside-each-other points in the sky beside the rip (lake),” referring to the triple star event (points beside each other) of 8208 BCE, described in Chapter 3. But in the case of the Poto side of the Purepecha, they were likely beside Lake Managua not on Isla Tigre. The double “beside” in the name is probably meant to describe the three planets right next to each other. A second meaning of the name is quite sexual, describing the arrival of the Lempa Maya and a sexual partner: k’ur Ik’ ka wer ri is “point (penis) of Ik’ (lineage name) beside the tear of the woman/women at the beginning.” A third meaning of this name might come from Africa, meaning “points (spears) beside Ik’ at the beginning beside the rips (Great Lakes of Africa).” The Mesoamerican people seemed to recognize Ik’ (Sky) as the name of one of the leaders as early humans moved out of Africa to escape repression.

A second deity is Kwerawaperi and she is the creator and mother earth goddess. Kwerawaperi refers to the difficult journey that the two women made watching the people around them tire and die along the way. It is ka we her ra wa ap per ri and means “beings tired and collapsing in the swinging beside the flesh of other (female) at the beginning.” A second meaning also refers to Africa, like the first deity name, ka wer ra wa ap per ri: “beings tired of the collapsed ones from the swinging at the beginning beside the rips (Great Lakes of Africa).” The use of the syllable wer (“tear”) is rare in the Americas, while commonly used to describe the Great Lakes of Africa region. A third meaning of this name is “beings tired of the swings at the collapsed being (just born) at the side” which could refer both to the escaping Otomi women and what occurred earlier on Isla Tigre.

A third deity, Xaratenga, is the offspring of the first two and represents the west, perhaps indicating that it was the offspring who moved west and north to present day Michoacan. Xaratenga is the goddess of the sea and the moon and is cha ar ra at ten k'a in Mi. This means "time of the two (families) tired and happy to make a clearing at the bath." The structure of the name suggests that the two men who in part founded the Purepecha were from upriver on the Lempa River in Chalatenango. Xaratenga could also be written or pronounced as Chalatenga, a very similar sound as Chalatenango.

In fact, the name Potonico in Chalatenango indicates it was the source of the men who sailed throughout the Americas and then close to shore in Guerrero, finding the Poto women and staying there to found the Purepecha. Potonico is po ot to on ni ik’ k’or or “wind transport to those sheltered from the hole (ocean) whose ancestors were sacrificed on the hill (Isla Tigre volcano).” Embedded in the name are the phrases Poto (the ethnicity of the women they found), nic for Nicaragua (where the women were from), and Ik’ for their own lineage. The men would have been Ulua, closely related to the Cuscatlan.

Four other names in El Salvador, in Cuscatlan department, also speak about the events of the Ulua-Cuscatlan raft encountering the two Poto women. While two Potonico men stayed to found the Purepecha, it appears that at least some of the other members of the raft lived about 30 kilometers south of Potonico in the current-day department of Cuscatlan:

• Santa Cruz Michapa - tz’a an ta ak’ ruz mi cha ap ba - “two swimmers in the wetness from the remnant that ran from the Mi swinging at the skin of the body.” Mi refers to the Maya who started human sacrifice on Isla Tigre; the Chibchab (Poto) were one of four groups that ran. Two double meanings are “Ik’” - the Ulua who found the two swimmers and “Mich” referring to Michoacan and mining. It seems that the northwest coast of Guerrero was originally considered part of Michoacan.
• Tepechapa - te pech cha ap ha - “the two orphans on branches on the swinging water.” The clear use of orphans here is a clear marker for the Poto women. Only the Poto and Chibchab were called orphans.
• Tenancingo - te nan tzi in k’o - “dog women on branches, first in the blade.” Dog (Tzi) women was an expression for the various Olmeca ethnic groups, like the Poto because they were the first to take the place of dogs as sacrifice objects by the Kakchiquel and others, i.e. the first in the blade. Tenango has a similar meaning.
• San Pedro Perulapan - san pet tar ro per ul ap pa an - “explain (to Peru) the arrival to the loose collapsed bodies in the pouring (tidal), swollen, swinging current.” The positioning of Peru in the name is clear. The Cuscatlan-Ulua made a trip to Peru after the tsunami to see how people were, sometime after their encounter with the Poto (Purepecha) women. The neighboring town of San Bartolome Perulapia appears to have been named in the post-Classic period over 8200 years later. Its meaning fits events of that period in Peru much more than the post-tsunami time period. But a similarly structured name was used to link the two events.

The Otomi, part 2

Guerrero is named for the early Otomi. It is k’er her ro and has a double meaning. First, describing the Poto women who survived the tsunami: “loose and cut up others (women).” Guerrero indicates that the Poto survivor(s) was female. Loose has a double meaning – first, they were loose in the water and they were without men. Second, it describes the liberation of the Otomi women from the sacrifice regime of the Otomi men. In this context, Guerrero means “women free of the gashing.” This section tells the story of the liberation of the Otomi women.

As generations passed, the Otomi children (i.e. those not first-born) likely heard the narrative of both the Poto side and the Kiche side, creating a type of schizophrenia. During the first several generations, several pregnant women successfully left the Otomi, as evidenced by the Chatino and the name Coyuquilla in the Purepecha area. The practice of the first-born child sacrifice seems to have continued among the Otomi until a rebellion broke out, at Xaltianguis, 30 kilometers north of Acapulco. Xaltianguis is cha al ti an k’i is and means “time of the movement of the two who ran from opening of the heart.” This name presages the name Chalatenango, highlighting who would come to help. The two rebels from human sacrifice, most likely pregnant women, ran north more or less along the present-day highway from Acapulco to Chilpancingo. No doubt these were not the first pregnant women to try to escape the bad practice by running into the mountains. But what followed was unique.

Solapa is a little north: so ol la ap pa – “tired of the leaders who swing the curve at the body.” Curve refers to a blade. A double meaning is tz’ol, meaning “story,” indicating the beginning of names that would tell the story and also linking to the Ch’orti’ phrase tz’olkin - “story of the first dear ones (first-born).” Omitlan, 20 kilometers northeast, is om mi it la an and means “tired of running from the blows of the cats from the foam.” The lan suffix indicates it was the Poto (Olmeca) heritage that ran. Foam is likely a reference back to Lago Coatepeque but also in this context could indicate bloody. Omitlan is both a town name and the name of the downstream portion of the Papagayo River, which leads to a double meaning of “cats from the blowing foam.” It indicates the sailing path taken a little later by a group that would help out the rebels.

Moving north, Palo Gordo is pa al lo ok’ k’o or to and means “time of being free of the leaders splitting the body with the blade sacrifice.” It has a double meaning of “boats of the transporters,” referring again to those who came to help. Tierra Colorado is ti her ra ak’ k’o ol lo or ra to and means “crest (hill) of the women tired of the opening of the skin, loose ones tired of the sacrifices of the leaders’ blades.”

Garrapata, a nearby village, suggests that the Otomi rebels were captured. It is k’ar ra ap pa ta or “remnant that is tired of the swinging at the body is retained,” with double meaning, k’ar rap pat ta, or “retained ones rub the pod (large belly)” (as they descended). Nearby is where the Tehuacalco archeological site is located. It is te wa ak’ k’al k’o, or “blade-on-skins retain the beings in wood (cage)” Tehua at the beginning of the name makes it clear that it was the Purepecha men who came to aid the Otomi rebels, with a similar sound as Tehuacan, their original home. “Blade-on-skins” refer to the Otomi (Kiche) pursuers. The Purepecha assisted the Otomi rebels who were retained in some sort of wooden cage. The archeological site was a memorial both to the Otomi rebels retained in the fight to end human sacrifice among the Otomi and their rescuers, the Purepecha.

There are several Cuauhtemoc references in Acapulco and Chilpancingo. The origin of this Mexican heritage name seems to be here. Cuauhtemoc is k’a wa’ ut te’ em mo’ ok’ and means “break the small opening in the wood, trapped beings descend satisfactorily.” Perhaps the wooden cages had been placed up in a tree; in any case, the Purepecha were able to help the Otomi rebels break free from the cage.

Ocotito is where some of the remnant Otomi sought shelter. It is ok’ k’o ot ti it toh or “shelter for those who split from the blade opening sacrificers.” It uses the Oco prefix to play off of Playa Ocosme in Chinandega, Nicaragua, where the Otomi women were from. Ocosme is ok’ k’o os mer and means “blader (Kiche) failed to split open the one who set down,” saying a little sarcastically that when the woman arrived she wasn’t immediately killed. Ocotito is suggesting that Ocosme isn’t true anymore – they are willing to kill the ones who they set down. It also has a double meaning of k’ot or “arrival.” Cajelitos, five kilometers north of Ocotito, indicates that one (or more) of the Otomi rebel women was killed by the Otomi men. Cajelitos is k’a ach che hel li it to os, meaning “sacrificers handle turtle woman with blows; woman who was beside them at the beginning.” Turtle woman indicates a pregnant woman. This would mean a young woman pregnant with her first child; the child destined to be sacrificed according to Otomi/Kiche tradition. The young woman ran to save her unborn child. It probably wasn’t the same woman who arrived on the shore from Nicaragua but rather a later generation.

Acahuizotla indicates that those escaping from the blades sought shelter here. It is ak’ k’ap witz so ot la and means “shelter mountain for those tired of the curve to the skin by the hold-in-mouth.” Curve is another word for the cutting blade. Hold-in-mouth refers to the chewing tobacco used by the Kiche. The name has a double meaning of “movement of the origin,” referring to the first-born.

North a little and up in the hills is Chacotla. It is describing what happened below in Palo Blanco. It is cha ak’ k’ot la and means “arrival of the two-skins to those tired (of the two-skins).” The Chaac (two-skin) sacrifice is where the skin is peeled off of the sacrificed person and worn by the shaman. Chacotla has a double meaning of “shelter from the blades,” which seems to say that the families of the Otomi rebels were sheltered there. In the valley, Palo Blanco indicates the place where the Otomi leaders were killed by the Otomi rebels and Purepecha. It is pa al lo bel la an k’o and means “time of the collapse of the bodies by those tired of and free of the blades.” The syllables pal (boat) and lan (tired current) are associated with the Purepecha and the Poto, respectively, indicating that both the Purepecha and the Otomi rebels were involved.

Then, moving further north toward Chilpancingo, one arrives to Mazatlan, the most important name in this tz’ol (story). It is ma as sat ta al la an, which means “time of the disappearance among the remnant of the bad practice, tired of running.” It indicates where the Otomi decided to forego the practice of human sacrifice, with the proponents dead at Palo Blanco. It also references the masa, first used to describe those who ran from human sacrifice at Coatepeque in El Salvador, intimating that the Otomi had now become masa or deer. Lan is a cultural indicator which here indicates that the Poto side of the family was responsible for ending the practice. The name Aztlan later derives from Mazatlan. A name present in Mazatlan, as well as nearby Chilpancingo, is Tulipanes, which comes from this era. It is tul li ip pa an ne es and means “runners observe the body-spirits of the Tul beside the tail (river).” Tul refers to the Kiche, with a reference to Tulan (Isla Tigre).

A little north is Petaquillas or pet ta ak’ ki il la as, meaning “remnant of the pouring (pet) see those tired of the practice of the skin of the heart." The Pet prefix is a reference to the Purepecha and to Petatlan, indicating that the Purepecha had assisted the Otomi rebels. In Chilpancingo is Barrio San Agustin, which is san ak’ k’us ti in, or “birth of the first of the swollen one who ran from the opening of the skin.” One pregnant woman, who had fled, gave birth to her first child, free from the bad practice, her child lived. A new Otomi culture, free of the practice of human sacrifice, was born. The name refers to Cuscatlan as well, the heritage of the male-side of the Purepecha who assisted.

 

Origins: Cacao, Corn, Cotton, and Calabasa

The ancestors of the Maya were always on the gatherer side of the hunter-gatherer spectrum, leading them to be the probable first culture to begin cultivation - horticulture. The Maya began horticulture by first learning cultivation of tobacco on Isla Tigre, Honduras in about 8300 BCE. Tobacco led to the darkest time in Maya history, resulting in the escape of the Miskito and Chibcha people. The Maya soon risked moving off the protected island to the mainland in order to pursue their destiny - horticulture, the cultivation of plants for food and other human use. The risk was that their enemy Xibalba would challenge their living on the mainland - El Salvador. But since the Xibalba were generally afraid of water, the Maya moved to four islands to have a greater level of protection from their enemy, approximately 8207 BCE. They immediately began to search for plants to cultivate.

El Salvador: Four Island Homes and Agriculture Origins (click to enlarge)

This blog post will look at the origin points for the domestication of squash, cotton, cacao, and corn. Corn was probably the earliest of the four, around 8200 BCE, with squash quickly following. The research for this is based on place names, keeping in mind the places of habitation and meetings at the time.

Squash

Squash were important to the Mesoamerican diet. They provided starch and were a major source of anti-oxidants. Squash would have helped the Maya to live longer and prevent memory loss. The first squash to be cultivated was a striped squash, perhaps the cucurbita sororia, which was hybridized into cucurbita argyrosperma (below).

By Shaun Case (nl:Afbeelding:Hindu2.jpg) [GPL (http://www.gnu.org/licenses/gpl.html)], via Wikimedia Commons

The first squash used for domestication was found near Sesori, El Salvador, based on an examination of place names. Sesori is a municipal seat located in the northern part of San Miguel department, in the eastern part of El Salvador. It is 200 meters above sea level and about 60 kilometers north of the Pacific Ocean. It's curious how close the sound of the name c. sosoria is to Sesori. Sesori in Ch'orti' is: tze' tzori or "squatted in rows." The term "squatted" or "squat" was used to describe the way that the squash plant grows very close to the ground. The fact that the Sesori name also includes "in rows" shows that squash was planted there, most likely the first place it was planted, although surely the seeds were soon planted at the four island habitations.

(click to enlarge map) The place names around Sesori point toward the municipality being the origin of squash. About five kilometers to the northeast is Charlaca, which would be ch'a'ar lahch kah in Ch'orti' and "start of the horizontal striped one" in English. This indicates that the first squash was striped, like the cucurbita sororia and its domesticated offspring, above. The hill above Charlaca is called Chequere or tze' kere, "open up the squat one" - the place the wild squash was split open. About a kilometer to the southeast is a village (and creek) call Caulote. Caulote is k'a ur lo' te' or "explain the desirable dangling plant." It was likely the lineage which found the squash which explained how to grow and use the
squash to the other three lineages. Finally, south of Sesori is a touri-center called Chagüite. It is possible this name came from elsewhere in the municipality. Chagüite is ch'a' wih te' or "source of the horizontal plant" - one more indication that Sesori is the source of the first squash to be cultivated.

The Maya used the seeds from a very early time, mashing up the toasted seeds into a paste. That paste is called alguashte, which is ahr wax te' or "time of the round gourd plant." It is possible the round gourd is referring to c. sosoria or its offspring c. argyrosperma.

Up until now, the earliest known location for domesticated squash is Guila' Naquitch cave in the Oaxaca Valley. Domesticated squash dates from no later than 6000 BCE there. This is about 2000 years after the squash domestication in El Salvador. The Zapotec-Otomi ancestors likely took squash seeds and the know-how to grow squash when they migrated from the San Vicente region of El Salvador to Oaxaca/Puebla in about 7000 BCE.

Cotton

In BC or Before Cotton, people had to wear animal hides no matter the weather. That may not seem like a big deal in a temperate climate, but in a tropical climate, a jaguar or puma skin must have been nearly unbearable. From a translation of place names in El Salvador, the second home of the earliest ancestors of the Maya, it is possible to determine that the origin of cotton is from Intipucá, El Salvador.

Intipucá is a municipal seat in La Unión department that is 10 kilometers north of the Pacific shore - in those days it may have been even closer to the shore. It is 101 meters above sea level and is in the very hot part of eastern El Salvador. Intipucá in Ch'orti' is in tih buhk k'a = "first desirable clinging clothing".

The place names around Intipucá fill in more details of the story of cotton. Chichipate, about 7 kilometers north of Intipucá, is ch'i' chih bah te' = "growing body fiber plant." This might be the first place of planting the wild cotton. "Body fiber" describes a fiber placed over the body (clothing). Chirilagua, west of Intipucá (click to enlarge map), may have been the first place to weave cotton. It is chir ir ak' wa' - "see covering being woven." This might have been named by a visiting member of another community since it uses the verb "see".  

Where did the Maya learn to weave? Either they figured it out on their own or they learned in South America. Woven containers from plant fibers, dating from before 8000 BCE, were found in Guitarrero Cave in Peru. But place names indicate that the Maya might have learned in Chile rather than Peru. The first clue is the name Chile, which just as likely may have been Chili, which in Ch'orti' is "to weave." While it may seem presumptuous that the Maya would name Chile, the Maya appear to have named many countries in South America. The village in Chile where the Maya may have gone to learn weaving is Pichilemu, on the coast about 200 kilometers southwest of Santiago. Pichilemu is pi chil ehm uh or "companions' sacred descending weaving."

By ArtProf (Own work) [CC-BY-SA-3.0 or GFDL], via Wikimedia Commons

Other place names in the region of Intipucá hint about cotton and how much people liked cotton compared to their previous skins. The beach just south of Intipuca is Icacal or ik' ak' ahr - "time of the breathable coverings". Ik' means air or wind but I think breathable is a good translation here. A creek several kilometers to the west is Icaco or ik' ak' ho(y) - "pleasurable breathable covering." Cotton clothing in the tropics was a big deal. Both of these names use the noun ak' which is "skins" or "covering" - they didn't seem to have a word yet for clothes or shirts.

The oldest archeological record of Mesoamerican cotton is at Guila' Naquitch cave in the Oaxaca Valley and at Tehuacan in Puebla. Both of these are Zapotec-ancestor sites and the Zapotecs migrated from El Salvador to Mexico in about 7000 BCE. This is a strong indicator that cotton was discovered and domesticated prior to 7000 BCE in El Salvador. The short distance from Olomega to Intipucá - less than 15 kilometers - should indicate that cotton was first found closer to 8200 BCE, when Olomega was settled, than to 7000 BCE. It also indicates that it was the Olmeka-Lenca lineage which found cotton, since they were based at Lago Olomega.

Cacao

Next to corn, cacao may be the most important food product in Mesoamerica. Cacao in Ch'orti' is k'ahk' ka ho or "beginning of heated pleasure" - cacao was usually consumed hot. The first cacao was found by the Miskito people, originally Maya, they escaped the heart sacrifice period in about 8250 BCE to Nicaragua. Because the words describing the discovery of cacao are still in Ch'orti', it is likely that cacao was discovered within 1000 years of the Miskito arriving in Nicaragua, or by 7250 BCE.

Cacao was first found in or near Matagalpa, Nicaragua. Matagalpa is mat ak' k'ar bah or "retain the brown one from wrap-around skin." This describes the process of shelling or de-skinning the cacao beans. Matagalpa is about 700 meters above sea level. The hill just south of Matagalpa is Cerro Apante, ap ban te', "good swinging plant." Swinging is the word used for fruit or any seed that hung from a tree. The Miskito also found cacao at Jinotega, now a city 25 kilometers to the north. Jinotega is hin ot te' k'a or "picking the satisfactory sheltered tree." Cacao trees are somewhat delicate and often sheltered from the wind or sun by larger trees. Nearby at Apanas the Miskito planted the cacao. Apanas is ap ban as or "practice the good swinging one."

The Miskito also discovered chocolate, grinding the toasted cacao beans and mixing with hot water. Chocolate is choh kor ha' te' and means "freeing the esteemed plant in water." "Freeing" could also be translated "loosening" and describes the process of mixing up the crushed cacao with hot water. They found a word chocolate that sounds like cacao but shares none of the same syllables. Just west of Matagalpa is the town of Waswali. In Ch'orti', it is wax wahr ri or "blow air beside the gourd cup." This could be from making the first cups of hot chocolate.

The small village of Yasica is about 15 kilometers northeast of Matagalpa. In Ch'orti', Yasica is yatz' tzik ka or "beginning of counting the squeezed ones." This most likely refers to cacao beans and their use as currency, which was common in the pre-Classic and Classic eras. Yasica gives an indication that cacao may have been used as a currency very early and that this practice may have begun by the Miskito in Nicaragua. Because Yasica is translatable in Ch'orti', this practice likely began before 7000 BCE, that is, before the Miskito language diverged from its parent tongue. The Miskito who lived in Matagalpa - the cacao growers - became known as the Matagalpa people.

At some later point the Maya appear to have invited a group of the Matagalpa-Miskito cacao growers to El Salvador to grow cacao there. This group settled alongside the Torola River and named their village Cacaopera, cacao ber ha' - "cultivate cacao at the river." Interestingly, the land that the Maya gave them is very close to the Corinto cave and likely not desirable to the Maya given the history of Xibalba at the cave. It is difficult to determine the date of the arrival of the Cacaopera-Matagalpa. They had to have arrived before 2000 BCE, though, when the Ulua separated from the El Salvador-based Cacaopera and went to the Atlantic coast of Honduras. The Cacaopera can say that they are half-Maya and half-Miskito.

Another community settled at the same time by the Cacaopera is Joateca, about 15 kilometers to the northeast. Joateca is wat te' k'a and means "return home with desired trees." Even if they spoke a different language by then, they still used Ch'orti' as the naming language. The Joateca name is also interesting in that it makes it clear that they considered El Salvador to be home even after hundreds of years in Nicaragua. And it makes it clear that they came with the cacao trees.

Corn

The Maya were born from corn - it was their key cultural crop. Corn was hybridized from teosinte. There wasn't one hybrid moment - it took repeated hybridizing over thousands of years. Earlier I mapped the teosinte place names which tell us at least some of the sources of teosinte that the Maya used to continue to hybridize corn. Aside from two in western Mexico, the "Teosinte" place names are clustered near where Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador come together, that is, around Lago Güija and Teotipa, the site of the senior Maya lineage. This is not inconsistent with the Balsas teosinte theory since the range of Balsas teosinte could have drifted northwest in the several thousands of years of warming temperatures following the Ice Age.

By Mbhufford (Own work) [CC-BY-SA-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)

The most likely of the Teosinte sites for early Maya activity is Arcatao, in the mountains of eastern Chalatenango, El Salvador. This is because Arcatao was the location of the get-togethers of the four Maya sites, probably on an annual basis. This is known from the meaning of Arcatao: "the beginning of the gathering times." In addition, the Lempa River near Arcatao is nearly the mid-point, from a water travel point of view, for the four Maya sites. The annual Maya get-togethers at Arcatao probably started as soon as the Maya moved from Isla Tigre in about 8207 BCE.

The place names surrounding Arcatao leave almost no doubt that Arcatao was the place that teosinte, the predecessor to corn, was found. The first clue connecting Arcatao to teosinte is the name of the village Teosinte there. Teosinte means "plants in a row on an island" and refers to the rows on Teotipa island, where hybridization first took place. Just a mile west of Teosinte is Sicahuite, si k'a wih te', which means "origin of the desirable row plant." This is an indication that Sicahuite is likely the place that teosinte was first found.

The river just next to Sicahuite is Gualsinga. It also forms the boundary with Honduras here. Gualsinga is wa'ar sin k'a or "desirable rows rising/standing." The Gualsinga River area may have been the first place where teosinte was planted. The nearest town in Honduras is Zazalapa, which is tzatz ahr lab pa' or "time of pounding hardness to masa." Teosinte may have first been pounded into water and meal - masa - near Zazalapa.

The Guayampoke River goes through present-day Arcatao before it flows to the Sumpul. Guayampoke is wa' yam bohk ker, which means "pull wild vegetation from circle being broken open." After the circle was cleared they would have planted teosinte. This was probably the first step before it was later put in rows. Plant circles were also made at Teotipa (left, in photo) dating to about the same time as the one(s) at Arcatao (~8200 BCE).

In addition to the initial corn hybridization, I wish to discuss two innovations: grain storage and large-size corn cobs. The grain storage moves us back to Nicaragua. Several place names are based on a trip of the Maya from El Salvador to the former Maya, the Chibcha, in southern Nicaragua, to investigate grain storage. Sometime previously the Maya had shared corn seeds with the Chibcha.

Perhaps the first place they visited was Tipitapa, not far from Lake Managua (see map above). Tipitapa is ti' pi t'a'b pa' or "companions' storage of mouth food." "Mouth food" means corn, from the syllables ti' and pa' and is found in the name Teotipa as well. Next stop was the department of Chontales to the southeast. It is choh on tal ehtz or "arrive to observe the previously reputed thing." When combined with the department seat of Chontales, Juigalpa, we understand what the reputed thing is. Juigalpa or wih k'ar pa', "the origin of the retention of food."

Three other towns around Juigalpa fill in more details on the food storage, with the best description provided by Tecolostote: te' k'or os t'ot' te' or "tap the plant matter to fit into wooden carrying box." This makes it clear that the storage unit was mobile. Likely it was strapped on the back - they didn't have any pack animals. Supporting the idea of flattening the corn, Rodeo is lo'ht' te' ho - "flatten liked plant matter." Further north is Teustepe, in Boaco, which may have been the source of the wood to make the corn carrying boxes. It is te' us tep or "useful hardwood."

It took thousands of years for corn ears to reach a large size. In fact the ears stayed quite small until about 1100 BCE, at least in Mexico. It is likely that the larger ears pre-date that by several hundred years in El Salvador. Place names in El Salvador indicate where the large corn ears first appeared: Copinalapa, Cabañas. Copinalapa is the name of the primary river in central Cabañas, flowing north into the Lempa, as well as a village about 15 kilometers north of present-day San Isidro. Copinolapa is k'op in nol lab pa' or "gathering the first large rubbing masa (corn)."

El Salvador and Nicaragua were key for many of the plant products that were so important to Mesoamerican cultures - squash, cotton, cacao, and corn. With the place-name research highlighted here we are able to know much more about how these plants developed.

 

Tobacco, Bloodletting and the Escape of the Maya Common People

Perhaps the saddest period in Maya history is also when they were advancing the fastest, at least in terms of intellectual accomplishments. Their hearts seemed to lag behind the heads. This is the story of human sacrifice and the reason behind the subsequent bloodletting ritual. The story begins with tobacco and ends with perhaps half of the Maya common people escaping the human sacrifice. This story takes place on Isla Tigre, Honduras, and in Nicaragua, roughly from 8400 to 8250 BCE.

This blog post will trace the need for tobacco to the human sacrifice story in the Popol Vuh, will link that story to place names near Isla Tigre, and will then link the human sacrifice story to the surviving Maya who escaped, by translating the names of the tribes that descended from the escapees - the Miskito and related people and the Chibcha people. Finally, the blog will show that in the aftermath, a bloodletting ritual was started to deal both politically and spiritually with the crisis brought about by human sacrifice.

During their very first days in El Salvador, the Maya ancestors were exposed to tobacco. They soon named two of their first three gods after tobacco: Hakawitz, which means "beginning of happiness mountain," and Tohil, which means "see the offering" and is associated with a visual offering, i.e. animals, given for the right to tobacco. Tobacco was not allowed on the first day of the 20-day-week, Tohmar, when animal sacrifices were made, but was allowed on the other 19 days.

Things became more complicated when the Maya ancestors were forced by their enemy, the Xibalba, to move from the mainland to an island in the Gulf of Fonseca, Isla Tigre, and Xibalba took over the tobacco area. No doubt the Maya ancestors sent tobacco raiding parties back to the mainland to cut tobacco leaves and bring them back to the islands. But the Xibalba may have tightened up security. To try to get more tobacco, the Maya ancestors sent a messenger to Xibalba which resulted in a Xibalba negotiator coming to Isla Tigre.

The Xibalba were very shrewd. Not relying on only brute strength they tried to corrupt the Maya ancestors and weaken them spiritually. Keeping in mind the translation by Tedlock may need to be adjusted somewhat, the Xibalba negotiator said:

"Truly, since you have your god, your nurturer, and he is the representation, the commemoration of your Maker and your Modeler, don't give the tribes their fire until they give something to Tohil. You don't want them to give anything to you. You must ask for what belongs to Tohil; to him must come what they give in order to get fire." -- Popol Vuh, pg. 154.

"Fire" in this passage means tobacco. Instead of "is the representation" I would translate it as "require twine," tying this event to the later practice of bloodletting with twine of thorns run through the tongue. Basically, Xibalba is asking for a sacrifice to be made directly to Xibalba. This sacrifice would be a human sacrifice. If people wanted tobacco they would need to offer up one of their own as a sacrifice. From the place names it is possible to determine where this human sacrificing took place. Right across the water from Amapala, Isla Tigre, is Coyolito on Isla Zacate Grande, which is separated from the mainland only by a tidal channel. Coyolito means "sacrifice for smokes beside the large one":

k'oy - smoking, chewing
hol - large one
li - beside
toh - sacrifice

The verb k'oy, meaning smoking or chewing, could not be clearer that it refers to tobacco. The "large one" is clearly indicating the Xibalba hunter tribe who were taller than the Maya ancestors, as shown in the place names where the Maya ancestors were marched after they were captured a few days after arriving in El Salvador. The sacrifice was done beside the large one, while the Xibalba representative was watching. The name Coyolito does not directly indicate human sacrifice but a Popol Vuh passage soon following the visit of the Xibalba messenger connects the dots by discussing the abduction and killing of the tribes (the non-elite Maya ancestors).

It is about this time that the Maya ancestors began making very quick progress in their science, discoveries that are at the heart of what made them into Maya. The first was the 260-day tzolk'in calendar and with it the Mars retrograde long-count calendar. This was developed when the Mars retrograde calendar was pointing to the day-sign 9 Tzi'kin, or Clay and Sticks. A double meaning of Tzi'kin is Tzik'in, which means "counting days." This tells us that it was during 9 Tzi'kin or 8404 BCE to 8357 BCE that the tzolk'in was invented. Then, as already discussed, they learned how to tame the jaguar during the next daysign in the Mars retrograde long-count calendar or 8 B'ajram, which was 8357 BCE to 8325 BCE. Finally, they learned to cultivate tobacco during the next daysign in the Mars retrograde long-count calendar of 7 B'ajk (Cultivation), which was from 8325 BCE to 8278 BCE.

Given these four great discoveries in a short period of time: the tzolk'in, the long-count calendar, taming wild cats, and cultivation, the Maya-ancestor elites became full of arrogance and hubris. This is known because the Popol Vuh says these events took place at Silisib, which translates as "Rise Up and Puff Up". Because of that hubris, they continued the practice of heart sacrifice (human sacrifice). The Popol Vuh (pg 165) describes this as the "abduction of the people of the tribes" and the "killing of the tribes." "The tribes" are a euphemism for the common people, the common Maya (ancestors). Many sacrifice scenes from the Classic era like the one above, are likely a portrayal of events on Isla Tigre.

The Popol Vuh says that the killers (the elite) would roll the heads onto the main trail and make it look like a jaguar had done it. This was done at a time called ikolbal iwib - "the time of the exposed bodies and the time of the source of ghosts." And these actions would lead to ritzum, the "twisting twine," linking the actions to the bloodletting twine of thorns.

It is clear that these actions happened after the Maya learned to cultivate tobacco. The Popol Vuh says kakan ri xa kipich or they "had already learned fire when piercing hearts." They did not have the excuse of needing to provide Xibalba with a human sacrifice for tobacco, nor of needing to provide Tohil with a human sacrifice in order to urge tobacco plants to grow. They knew how to grow tobacco and the sacrifices continued.

At about this time a bee swarm occurred, attacking the common people. While the Popol Vuh translated by Tedlock makes it seem like the elite caused the bee attack, the text is not so clear to me: q'eqal jab' musmul jab or "time of the furious honeybees, crumbling mound of honey bees." It may have just happened.

The names of the two oldest Maya lineages also hint at this time of heart sacrifice. Ch'orti' means "language of the breast" but could also mean "opening at the breast," which would be one way to describe the heart sacrifice. Similarly, Quiche means "speaking from the heart" but if the second syllable is che' instead of che, Quiche becomes "handle hearts."

The Popol Vuh then discusses the common people escaping from Isla Tigre: echalamicat or "observe the cats cross the tired water." The "tired water" is the Gulf of Fonseca, which has little tidal movement. The "cats" refer to a group of Maya - while the elite were at time called (tamed) jaguars, all Maya were called cats. The Maya ancestors had learned how to tame the jaguar less than 100 years earlier and make them into cats.

The Popol Vuh backs up to explain how the escape happened. Two young women were sent to seduce the Maya elite so that they wouldn't notice the escaping folks, who were "looking for an escape through the teeth (of the jaguars)": saq loq' oj. It says that the women were from esteemed homes: "ch'om" (choh ohom) and that they were desirable - "pulpy" and "hanging": xtaj xpuch'. In being deceived by the women, the Popol Vuh blames the Maya elite: ki b'atz'unja, or "cursed with greed and rotten hearts."

The women pretended to be catching turtles: chaka chaxinaq, which is "lying down in skin (naked) (catching) turtles with our nets," and xil kiwach - "sleeping turtles raised," which has a sexual double meaning. Then the Popol Vuh makes a sexual pun with the name Nicaragua, soon to be the place of residence by the escaping Chibcha and Miskito, using the metaphor of a turtle: chiyulinik wach(i), "our growth to break through (by means of) trembling sleeping turtle." "Trembling and sleeping" - nikwa - sounds somewhat like Nicaragua.

Those escaping took sail rafts off the island, "solowik:" which is "extended arch (sail) into source of wind." The departure of the common people greatly pained those who remained. The Popol Vuh says katzonon uq uxik, or "the beginning of the pain in our hearts; mournful painful search." The Maya elite tried to find the escapees. And joxol ch'ek, which is "this choice caused ulcer in (their) chest."

The Popol Vuh explains that very young children escaped, including orphaned babies still breast-feeding whose mothers had been killed through the heart sacrifice: tz'alam ch'ut kej b'ej, or "from the fatigued current, still wet from the opening of the breast, orphans were transported."

The Popol Vuh tells us that the tribes were called the Tam and the Iloc and that these tribes had begun to speak differently. These were the ones who were killed. Raphael Girard in Esotericism of the Popol Vuh, provides a more complete translation when he names them the Tamup and the Ilocap. Tamup is tam mup - "showing the interior," with a double meaning of tam up, "hearing the interior." Both meanings are consistent with a heart sacrifice, with the second meaning showing the possibility of wanting to hear the inside of the body (perhaps due to a tobacco rasp?). Ilocap is il lo'k kahp or "see the opening up and escape." They saw the heart sacrifices and decided it was time to leave. This implies that the Ilocap were not sacrificed themselves but they knew they might be next. So among the two groups who escaped there were people who were directly affected and those who saw it happening.

Were did the Maya refugees go and who did they become? The groups immediately to the south are a place to start: the Miskito and related groups, who are in Nicaragua, and the Chibcha speaking nations, who are in Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Venezuela, and Colombia. A look at the names of the major groupings in these two groups demonstrates that these are the two lineages who escaped from the Maya elite at Isla Tigre and place names show that both were in Nicaragua before most of the Chibcha moved further south.

Today the Miskito live on the Atlantic Coast of southern Honduras to southern Nicaragua. The name Miskito could not be clearer: mis ki' toh, "cat heart sacrifice." Cat could refer to the Maya elite - the tame jaguars (b'ahram) - or it could refer to the Maya common people - cats as opposed to jaguars. The Matagalpa lineage has a name associated with an agricultural advance that I'll discuss later. The third main language group is the Sumo which is sum mo' or "parrot on a rope." Perhaps the Sumo are from the lineage that first tamed the parrot or macaw on Isla Tigre.

The names along the north Atlantic coast of Nicaragua indicate that is where the Miskito, etal, escaped to. Puerto Cabezas, the center of Miskito life, is Bilwi in Miskito. In Ch'orti' this is "bir wih" and means "path from the origin (Isla Tigre)." Zelaya, the Miskito name of the region is xel lah ha' or "torn from the fatigued waters." Fatigued waters or current is one way of saying the Gulf of Fonseca. Tuapi, a town on the coast just north of Puerto Cabezas, seems to be "wahpi," or "continue on." Another town near Puerto Cabezas tells of the refugee status of the Miskito - Quaquel, which is kah ker or "separated at the beginning."

On their escape, the Miskito, etal, may have turned inland a bit south of Isla Tigre on the Choluteca River and boated to the present-day city of Choluteca, Honduras, whose name is hard to explain except for this flight: ch'or' ut tek kah or "opening of the breast beginning to open up." This would make sense if there are women wet nurses for the orphan babies. The village a couple kilometers to the east supports the idea of the flight of the Miskito: Santa Ana de Yusguare or yux wa'ar, "dividing the jaguars." This may indicate the switch from boat to foot, the jaguar people were divided.

The next town where the trail may pick up is Somoto, Nicaragua, which is soh moh toh - "offering for the closed up arch," which may have been a place to sleep. The journey was hard. The next town is Yalagüina or yah lah wi'nah: "sickness, fatigue and hunger." The next town to the east, Palacagüina, indicates that they may have made boats to go downstream to the Rio Coco, which flows to the Atlantic: pala kah wi'nah, "beginning of hunger on the boats." There is a river branch near town that reaches the Rio Coco which goes all the way to the Atlantic Coast.

Several miles downstream is the town of Quibuto, which is ki' but toh or "cut up from the heart sacrifice." But this also has a double meaning from a similar phrase ki' buha' toh, or "cured from the heart sacrifice." Later, very near to the Atlantic Ocean, the town of Iralaya would be ir ahl ha' yah or "the occasion of seeing the swollen water."

It is likely that the new Miskito people settled at Bilwi or Puerto Cabezas. Many other names around Puerto Cabezas are understandable in Ch'orti' - named at the time that the Miskito people had first escaped from Isla Tigre and therefore still spoke the Ch'orti' of that time. Tuara is a village several kilometers north of Puerto Cabezas in a marshy area. Tuara is wa'ar h'a - "standing water." Bismuna Tara is a large lagoon near the Nicaraguan border with Honduras. It is bis mun ha' tara - "arriving to measure the filling up with water."

Laguna Taberis is a lagoon about halfway between Puerto Cabezas and Bismuna Tara. Taberis is tah ber ix - "pulling motion in the forest," describing the tidal motion in the mangrove forest around the lagoon. Karata is a small lagoon south of Puerto Cabeza. It is k'ar aht tah or "retained water forest." A town south of Puerto Cabezas is Huaunta or wa'an tah, "forest at the rising," the rising sun over the Atlantic next to the forest. The Coco River along the Honduran-Nicaragua is also called Wangki, which is wa'an ki' or "rising heart."

The belief system of the Miskito also reflect this early history of the Miskito. The phrase for heaven is Yapti Pura which in Ch'orti' is ya'b ti' pur lah or "mixing in the mouth of the tired up-and-down." The "mouth of the tired up-and-down" would refer, as before, to the Gulf of Fonseca and Isla Tigre. "Mixing" would be the time of all the tribes together before they separated and some, like the Miskito, were repressed. That early time on Isla Tigre was like heaven. Yapti Misri is the Mother Scorpion Guardian in Miskito and in Ch'orti' is ya'b ti' mis ri or "mixing in the mouth beside the cats" which speaks of the later time when the tribes were not so close. Perhaps the mother scorpion guardian helped protect the Miskito from the cats (Maya elite). And maybe scorpion is also an astrological reference.

Liwa, is considered the ruler of the ocean for the Miskito. In Ch'orti' Liwa is li wa' or "beside the beings." Liwa, the ruler of the ocean, is beside the beings, the Miskito refugees at the Nicaraguan Atlantic coast. Wan Aisa is the Miskito creator. In Ch'orti' Wan Aisa is wa'an ah tz'ah or "rising over the wetness." This refers to the triple star of Venus, Jupiter, and Mars which was visible for several mornings in 8208 BCE and for the Miskito would have been over the ocean. It is hard to emphasize how important this sight would have been for the Miskito only a few years from being refugees from the Maya.

The Miskito name implies that they were the victim of heart sacrifice, which makes the Tam or Tamup name in the Popol Vuh fit more for them. That would mean that the Chibcha correspond to Ilocap. The names of the primary language groups of the Chibcha confirm that they, like the Miskito, are refugees of the Maya elite. Wikipedia lists seven languages, along with the macro name, Chibcha. Each one, translated with Ch'orti', tells part of the story of the repression and escape, which means that each one existed as a family or clan at the time of the escape.

Waimi, at contact, found in Costa Rica and Panama

(Ch'orti'): way mis - "sleeping cats" (describing their escape from the sleeping elite)

Boruca, at contact found in Costa Rica

bor uk' kah - "beginning of the increase in sadness"

Talamanca, at contact found in Costa Rica and Panama

tal ha' ma ahn kah - "beginning of the arrival from the bad water current" (Gulf of Fonseca)

Pech, at contact, on Atlantic Coast, Honduras

pech - "orphans" (a lineage made up of children whose parents were killed by the heart sacrifices. Their main town in Honduras is Kulmi, which could mean "cat penis" which seems to indicate that rape was also part of the repression faced by the Chibcha refugees.

Dorasque, present in Panama

tor as quer - "practice dividing open mutilation," referring to what was practiced at Isla Tigre

Voto (Votic), present in Nicaragua and Costa Rica

po' toh - "deep spot sacrifice." This is not completely clear but "deep spot" could refer to the heart. The name of the Rama who are part of this group and who remained in Nicaragua, means lah ma or "tired of the badness," the badness of the Maya elite.

Kuna, present in Panama and Colombia

k'un nam - "disappearance of tenderness"

Chibcha, as a language it is present in Colombia

chip ch'a' - "bit lying down" (reference to the heart sacrifice, bit by a jaguar)

The Chibcha did not seem to go straight to Costa Rica or Panama. There is evidence they stayed in Nicaragua for some time. Most indigenous names in Nicaragau are in Ch'orti'. It is possible that the Miskito named all the locations, but since European contact, western Nicaragua has been outside their domain.

There is also a strong clue of a Nicaraguan point of debarking for the rafts carrying the Chibcha refugees from Isla Tigre: the port city of Corinto. Corinto shares a name with Corinto, El Salvador, which means "first naked sacrifice," from the very first encounter of those called Xibalba. The first syllable of Corinto, El Salvador, was kor, while for Corinto, Nicaragua, it would have been k'or, meaning "first transport sacrifice." This implies that a person died on the passage over from the Gulf of Fonseca to Corinto. The next town Chinandega is chin ahn te' k'a or "satisfied with logs on throbbing current."

It appears that the Chibcha group made its way to present-day Managua. Managua is ma ahn wa' or "having a bad current," referring to the poor egress of Lake Managua. Nicaragua is nihk k'ar ha' wa' or "being shaken at retained water," most likely referring to an earthquake. Then there are the Acahualinca footsteps frozen in time in volcanic ash. The most current dating places the footsteps at 2120 years ago. The name is Ch'orti' so if it wasn't the Chibcha it was some other group of Ch'orti'-speaking visitors or immigrants. But the meaning of the name fits the situation of the Chibcha in 8250 BCE very well. Acahualinca translates as Ak' kah wa'al in k'ah, which is "our happy beginning, skin walking." I assume "skin walking" means to walk barefoot. Perhaps the Rama, aware of what their ancestors had done, repeated the ceremony 2120 years ago.

Some of the other Ch'orti' place names in Nicaragua include:

• Rio San Juan - san wa'an - "swollen and rising"
• Rivas - ri pas - "beside the purging" (Isla Omotepe volcano)
• Carazo - k'a ratz so - "desirable narrow arch" (not clear)
• Jinotepe - hin noh tepe - "pick large hard ones"
• Masaya - max tsa ya - "wet and toxic cavity" (Masaya volcano)
• Estelí - ehtz tel li - "observe the ridge beside"
• Ocotal - ok ot tal - "arrive to shelter on foot"
• Momotombo - mo motz t'om po' - "payment for the constricting and shutting off of deep hole" (ceremony for the end of volcanic eruptions)
• Ometepe - ohom eht tep pek - "challenging hard peaks in the foam"

Then there are several names that indicate that several hundred years later relations with the Maya improved and the Maya taught corn production to the Chibcha.

• Nagarote - na'k' ahr lo' te' - "time of the long kernel plants"
• Chichigalpa - ch'i' chik' ahr pa' - "the time of growing the crushed masa"

Chontales, Matagalpa and Jinotega have also been translated but they will wait for a blog section about agricultural roots. The place names of Nicaragua are a strong indicator that the Chibcha people lived for several thousand years in southwest Nicaragua before most (all but the Rama and Pech perhaps) moved south to Costa Rica and Panama. Corn has been dated to about 5800 BCE in Panama which could be an approximate date of when most of the Chibcha moved south.

The Maya Practice of Blood Letting

The Maya day signs of B'atz (Chuen) and Chichchan (Chikchan) tell us more about the meaning of these events. The original meaning of B'atz seems to be ba'x, which is "curse" or "malice." This indicates that the malice - the heart sacrifice - and the curse - the dividing of the Maya - happened when the Mars retrograde calendar was lined up to 5 B'atz, which was from 8278 BCE to 8246 BCE.

Earlier, from the Popol Vuh translations, we learned that for the elite Maya these events were a curse which caused an "ulcer in chest" and was a "source of ghosts." They haunted the Maya. Surely the spirits of the ancestors visited the Maya incessantly. The way that the elite Maya dealt with this was bloodletting - the Popul Vuh calls it ritzum - the "twisting twine." Perhaps they believed that their spilling of blood would appease the ancestor spirits of those killed and those who sought refuge in Nicaragua. But the bloodletting was also likely a sign, a promise, to their own people that they would never again deploy the heart sacrificing, the sacrificing of their own people.

The Tzolk'in day sign Chichchan (Chikchan) tells us more. While it is generally translated "large serpent," I think that is a secondary meaning. If it were a primary meaning it would be spelled "Chichan." Chichchan would be chich chan or "serpent through hard flesh," and clarifying meaning is provided by ch'ich', which is "blood," and ch'an, which is "twine". The bloodletting is done with a twine where thorns have been attached which pulled up through a pierced tongue - the "serpent through flesh." They tried to think of the most painful thing to do to themselves to make the ghosts of the curse go away. Bloodletting most likely would have begun on 12 Chichchan in the Mars retrograde calendar which was 8120 BCE, about 130 years after the curse. The bloodletting practice persisted for more than 9,000 years and some still do it today.

One can also see the remorse in the song Camacu, from the Popol Vuh. It appears to be sung at the time they were leaving Isla Tigre. They wonder where their brothers and sisters who fled watched the great rising planets of 8208 BCE. The song's name Camacu is kah mak uh and means "beginning of constricting goodness." The onset of the practice of heart sacrifice was when their goodness or sacredness began to be limited.

Camacu - Beginning of Constricting Goodness

Alas!
We were lost at Tulan!
We shattered ourselves!
We left our elder brothers behind!
Our younger brothers!
Where did they see the sun?
Where must they be staying,
now that the dawn has come?

After this the Maya seem to have given Hakawitz, where they were introduced to tobacco, a double meaning - from "Beginning of Happiness Mountain" to Hak'awitz, meaning "Diminishing of Happiness Mountain."